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Random Letters: 4-15-21

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Kudos on Port’s Clean Air Efforts? Not.

Rep. Nannette Diaz Barragán made the following statement on the case study released today by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency recognizing the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach for their community engagement on reducing emissions and setting a goal of zero-emissions for trucks and cargo equipment at the ports, and encouraging other ports to follow suit.

The Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach have taken important steps to work with local stakeholders in the community to reduce diesel emissions. They should be applauded for those efforts. Still, the extremely high rates of cancer, asthma and other respiratory illnesses in the communities around the ports shows we have a long way to go.

So, Rep. Barragan’s applause of the Port’s efforts on “Clean Air” today is pretty disappointing. In light of the existing issue of the massive volume of uncontrolled emissions from the multitude of ships at anchor outside the ports for the past several months, there is very little reason to thank them for.  Those ships have completely undermined any minimal air quality gains by the port.  Important to remember that approximately 16 ships equal the emissions produced by 1 million cars.  It is the “ships” that are producing the far greatest volume of pollution.  The ports current haphazard way of addressing ship pollution, begun only after winning the “lawsuit” brought by our community residents, has been rife with issues.   Their effort thus far is a travesty…and at best a lackluster attempt at ship emission capture.  Unless the government and these ports invest significantly in the air emission technology that is available….as they did with the creation of a vaccination to resolve the pandemic…any advances in air quality will continue to be minimal causing major health consequences and expediting the rapid pace of climate change. 

Janet Gunter, San Pedro


Gaetz Is Guilty

Matt Gaetz, the reactionary Republican Representative from the western portion of Florida’s panhandle region is the subject of an ongoing federal criminal investigation by the U.S. Justice Department on a bipartisan basis (under both the Biden Administration and Gaetz’s conservative cult leader Donald Trump’s Attorney General Bill Barr’s troubled tenure) for sex trafficking charges involving a minor child, according to the New York Times’ bombshell report of March 30, 2021. 

As reported in the Dec. 29, 2017 edition of Orlando Weekly, “…On Dec. 19, Gaetz cast the lone ‘no’ vote on a widely bipartisan human trafficking bill that passed unanimously through the U.S. Senate in September before sailing through the House by a count of 418 to 1.  The legislation — the Combatting Human Trafficking in Commercial Vehicles Act — is an attempt to give the federal government more resources to combat the sex trade in the U.S…”.

Now why do you think the alleged statutory rapist Matt Gaetz (R-FL) was the ONLY member of the U.S. Congress to vote AGAINST holding human traffickers accountable for their criminal sexual exploitation of women and children? You know why! Because Rapepublican Matt Gaetz is without a doubt guilty of the exact same criminal behavior. Lock Gaetz up!

Maybe Matt Gaetz and his demented mentor Donald Trump can share a bunk bed and jail cell together in federal prison sometime soon?  As the defeated and disgraced former puppet president of Putin used to say, “We’ll see what happens.”

Jake Pickering, Arcata, Calif.

ALERT: Join a Construction Update about the Comprehensive Modernization Project at San Pedro High School

The San Pedro High School extensive campus modernization project is finally ready to begin major construction. Please join the virtual community meeting to present the latest developments on the campus modernization project for the San Pedro High School flagship campus.

Discussion:

• Project overview, scope and timeline

• Projected construction schedule

• Steps and measures to ensure safety of students and school staff during construction

Virtual Community Meeting

Time: 6 to 7 p.m. April 28

Details: 3 Ways to Join Meeting:

1. Zoom Online Meeting Link:

https://lausd.zoom.us/j/86960186633

2. Zoom Online Webinar Meeting

ID #:869 6018 6633

3. Phone # Dial In:

+1 (213) 338-8477

ID: 869 6018 6633

All COVID-19 safety measures mandated by the state are observed at our construction sites. For information about educational issues and the pandemic please call the LAUSD hotline at: 213-443-1300

For more information on this project please visit, https://www.laschools.org/new-site/community-relations  

You may also contact Teresa Akins at FSD Community Relations: 213-241-1326 OR teresa.akins@LAUSD.net

For the most current information on COVID-19 safety measures, modifications and protocols for our students’ safe return to school, visit: https://achieve.LAUSD.net/latestnews

How to Support Migrant Children in Long Beach

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LONG BEACH —The City of Long Beach April 19, launched an online portal with detailed information on how community members, local organizations and businesses can help support the migrant children who will be temporarily sheltered at the Long Beach Convention Center as part of the federal government’s national humanitarian effort to support unaccompanied migrant children arriving at the southern borders.

This humanitarian work is being undertaken by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services or HHS and is first and foremost an effort to move children into a humane environment as they are quickly reunited with family or a sponsor. The Long Beach shelter is temporary until August 1, has no impact on conventions, and is paid for by the federal government.

Over the past weeks, the city of Long Beach has received an outpouring of community support. People have called, emailed or left messages asking how to help. 

The children will be arriving this week. Here’s how you can help.

Donating

The easiest and quickest way folks can support this effort is to donate online via the new Long Beach Migrant Children Support Fund at the Long Beach Community Foundation.

The Long Beach Community Foundation, in partnership with the city and HHS, has launched the Long Beach Migrant Children Support Fund to accept monetary donations from community members, local organizations and businesses. All donations are designated specifically to provide assistance and supportive resources to migrant children at our Long Beach shelter.

Providing Services/Volunteering

Businesses and organizations interested in supporting the work at the shelter should complete this interest form. We will be sharing the information collected with HHS for review and consideration. Examples of services include:

  • Food/meal services
  • Education
  • Recreation
  • Mental health
  • Entertainment
  • Family reunification
  • Child supervision
  • Legal services
  • Religious services
  • Language translation
  • Case management
  • Facility set-up assistance
  • Health care

If you are interested in volunteering in some way, please fill out this volunteer form here. The City plans to launch its first volunteer effort later this week.

Details: longbeach.gov/migrantchildren.

Vilsack Says He’s Not The Same Person Who Formerly Headed USDA

With the Biden administration’s goals the agency could be change making, but will it?

On Earth Day 2021, the state of the United States food production and safety, and the agency that oversees it, the United States Department of Agriculture, stands poised to make great changes. Once again headed by Tom Vilsack, also the secretary of agriculture during Barack Obama’s administration, the agency is tasked with helping President Joe Biden meet the goal of net zero emissions in the U.S. by 2050. 

During the Senate committee hearing on his nomination, Feb. 2, Vilsack said in his opening remarks, “… It’s not lost on me it’s Groundhog’s Day and that I’m back again. But I also realize that this is a fundamentally different time and I am a different person and it is a different department … We have to recognize that going into this process.” 

Farms make up 10% of carbon emissions in the U.S. When forestry and other land uses are calculated, agriculture is responsible for almost 25% of all human-created carbon emissions. Vilsack must convince farmers and ranchers to buy into this goal and encourage them to use techniques that absorb and sequester carbon. But progressive activists, environmental leaders and others point to Vilsack’s failure to enact substantive regulation during his prior term as agriculture secretary.

Local agriculture impacts resilience, sustainability, community and individuals, just as agriculture does across America. Through this lens we’ll also hear from local University of California master gardener and horticulture teacher Rachel Bruhnke who is making just such an impact and passing it forward to her students. 

The USDA’s jurisdiction is one of the most far reaching in the federal government. It oversees farms, forestry, fishing, food for schools, the Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children, or WIC and it impacts food, water and air. The food system impacts everyone, through workers, suppliers, individuals and farmers and it includes justice for all of these people. Historically the agency hasn’t been on justice’s side and the overarching fear with Vilsack is that the USDA will continue to put lives at risk through subsidizing the harm of our land, water and air.

History First

Before he became agriculture secretary, Vilsack was Iowa’s governor from 1999 to 2007. After leaving the USDA in 2017, Visack became president and CEO of the U.S. Dairy Export Council, an industry trade group, earning almost $1 million a year from Dairy Management Inc. To be clear, Vilsack’s industry ties are typical of any Iowa governor. Still, many people worry that under his watch the USDA will continue the same policies — including subsidizing factory farm monocrops, producing Genetically Modified Organisms and degrading soil and ultimately health due to these industrial practices — rather than play a role in mitigating environmental harm. This coupled with the agency’s past racial history provides no indication that it will meet the country’s enormous needs in hunger, food distribution and racial and economic equity laid bare from the pandemic, but which had begun decades earlier. 

In recent years former Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue earned a reputation as one of the most aggressive enforcers of the Donald Trump administration’s pro business, deregulatory agenda. He reorganized the USDA to increase official power to staffers who promote production and trade versus food safety or rural development. Perdue, a vocal skeptic of human-induced climate change, relocated and defunded Economic Research Service — a USDA subagency and vital research office that would need to be revived to develop research-based climate policy. 

Under Trump, U.S. trade aid mainly benefited large farms. Many farmers who struggled remained ineligible for assistance and unable to get access to those funds. Vilsack’s nomination also came with great disappointment to small rural farmers — typically a stronghold for Republicans, even while these farmers were battered by Trump’s trade war.

Black farmers have also complained that the USDA has shut them out of loans, driving racial wealth disparities by systemically delaying or denying loan approvals or access to other farm subsidies. These actions contributed to a 98% decrease in the number of Black farmers through the last century. The Department of Agriculture’s policies also affect broader worker safety issues and racial inequity through slaughter deregulation, as one example, as the majority of meatpacking workers are immigrants and people of color. 

Different Department

During his hearing, Vilsack displayed an explicit understanding of the urgent equity issues the USDA faces as America tries to emerge from the pandemic. He noted the Department of Agriculture:

  • Has a responsibility to aggressively promote the nutrition assistance program that Congress provided. 
  • Must review the additional relief that’s been ordered by Congress and deliver it to farmers, ranchers, producers and those in rural America as quickly, efficiently and effectively as possible.
  • Must make sure that our workers on the line, in the farm fields, in processing facilities and the like, are protected and recognized as the essential workers they are. 
  • The USDA needs to work collaboratively with Congress and others to build back the rural economy in better shape than it was before the COVID crisis.

Vilsack prefaced his goals by quoting Robert Kennedy, who he said often challenged us to think about why not. 

“Some people look at things as they are and say why and others dream of things that never were and say why not,” — Robert Kennedy.

Vilsack posited the USDA can tackle problems using a “why not” approach, addressing four such “moments.”

“We’re in a why not moment with reference to climate change,” Vilsack said. “There’s an opportunity for us to create new market incentives for soil health, for carbon sequestration, for methane capture and reuse. By building a rural economy based on biomanufacturing, protecting our forests, turning waste material into new chemicals and materials and fabrics and fibers, creating more jobs in rural America, creating greater farm income stability and also reducing emissions.”

Vilsack referenced food insecurity that plagues millions of financially distressed children, seniors and families; and nutrition insecurity — causing millions of Americans, especially people of color, to cope with obesity, diabetes and other chronic diseases. 

“We can create a food system that makes healthy and nutritious food more available, more convenient, more affordable to all Americans,” he said.

We are in a why not moment, he said, with openness and competitiveness of our markets. Yet, Vilsack noted, in reality, America lacks openness, fairness, competitiveness and resiliency — as the COVID-19 crisis has shown in many U.S. agricultural markets. He said the USDA can strengthen the laws designed to promote openness and fairness. It can support more marketing and processing opportunities and facilities throughout the country that will help to create jobs, greater resilience and more competitiveness in our food system. 

Finally, Vilsack confessed, “The agency needs to fully, deeply and completely address the long standing inequities, unfairness and descrimination that’s been the history of USDA programs for far too long. To a future where all are treated equitably, fairly, where there is zero tolerance for descrimination, where programs actually open up opportunity for all who need help and lift the burden of persistent poverty for those who are most in need.”

Photo courtesy of Harbor Farms San Pedro

Regeneration

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, or IPCC, has said leveraging the mitigation potential in the agriculture, forestry and other land use sectors is extremely important in meeting emission reduction targets. In this light, Bruhnke spoke to the abundance of regenerative agriculture, a method of farming that improves the resources it uses, versus destroying or depleting them. Bruhnke founded Harbor Farms in San Pedro for the purpose of advocating for localized agriculture in Council District 15. 

“My motto is trust the sun. Grow food,” she said. “We go mining for coal, digging for oil and gas everywhere [that] there’s a pocket of it in our country. And yet, the sun is everywhere and we can grow food with it and we don’t take advantage of it.” 

As someone working for many years in sustainable agriculture, Bruhnke said Vilsack wouldn’t have been her choice.

“I believe in political redemption,” Bruhnke said. “If people are changing … great but we cannot allow … greenwashing. If he’s truly turning over a new regenerative agriculture leaf and understands the need for localized agriculture both in rural and urban areas, great. But it still needs [to be] the people who have known this for decades to be in the lead.”

Bruhnke echoed Vilsack’s transparency on creating jobs, greater resilience and more competitiveness in our food system. 

“We need to harness the sun everywhere we can and build wealth, resilience, sustainability and community everywhere we can,” she said. “The sun is a renewable resource waiting to be valued. Like Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Civilian Conservation Corps that helped reforest this country in the 1930s, we need something similar to generalize agriculture everywhere.

“It’s a very American idea. It’s a very Jeffersonian idea,” Bruhnke said. “Our economic base needs to transition back-to-the-future, to an agro-industrial model locally … with the jobs being in all-things ‘regenerative.’”

www.twitter.com/SecVilsack and https://www.usda.gov 

A Fist Full of Peas

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Gardening is a conversation with the earth. The gardener does something, and the earth responds via the outcome. If you plant a tomato seedling upside down, for example, the earth will happily swallow it, thereby ending the discussion.

A new dialog starts every time the gardener sows a seed or does anything to disrupt the status quo, even something as mundane as digging up last year’s beds. Like any language, a garden dialectic grows to reflect the landscape, complete with regional variations. When I lived in the New Mexico hills, a seasoned farmer told me to begin planting when the lilacs leafed out. That advice saved me a lengthy conversation with the earth. Farmers, unlike most gardeners, do this stuff all day and are fluent in these things.

Up here in Montana, some farmer friends of mine begin the annual conversation with a handful of peas. It goes like this: As soon as the soil thaws, you plant some peas. You don’t have to soak the peas overnight first, like I usually do when I plant for real in order to jump-start the germination process. Just plant the peas and see how the earth responds. They may sit there for a week or two, but when they finally sprout is when you plant your peas for real.

Planting that first handful of peas in a bare, brown field can be a lonely experience. It’s the feeling of being slightly early to the party, a feeling top gardeners know well. But you and your plants don’t want to be too early, or they might get nipped by a late frost. Or too late, on the other hand, because then you will spend the rest of the season playing catch-up. Late planted peas in particular won’t reach pod-bearing age before they wilt in the heat of summer. By planting a test handful of peas, you dial in the timing for the whole garden. When that first handful sprouts, it’s game on. Soak the rest of your peas, and start building a trellis. Maybe plant some spinach too, which grows happily at the foot of pea stalks.

The pea pods themselves are not the only reason to grow peas. Many of the vendors at my local market sell pea shoots by the bunch throughout the season. They add crunch to salads, complexity to instant ramen and cute curls when wilted atop anything hot. In a stir-fry, which is my favorite way to eat them, those pea shoots are delicate and savory. And unlike the peas grown for their pods which can only be planted during that tight spring window in time, it’s never too late to plant pea shoots.

Altogether, you could do worse than to go all-in on peas, right about now. Grow them for peas, grow them for greens, and grow them to keep your finger on the pulse of the garden.

How to grow pea greens

Pea greens grow fast and are high in protein and vitamins A and C. It’s definitely worth planting more peas than you think you’ll need, just to have a little crop of these delicious sprouts. Rather than paying a lot of money for a little envelope of dried peas, if I can I’ll instead pick up some dried cooking peas in the bulk bins of my local grocery store. They sprout just fine — just remember to eat them for the greens, and not to expect any sweet peas. When I do order pea seeds, I buy the largest envelope I can find.

Begin by soaking the pea seeds for about 24 hours. They should swell and turn a little green, and start to look a little bit alive.

Work your pea spot, or arrange a container that drains, filled with potting soil. Make sure the soil is perfectly moist.

Sow peas in a dense layer, so thick that they almost touch but none atop another. Cover the peas in another layer of soil, compost or potting mix. Water again. For the next few weeks, keep the soil moist but not swampy.

When they are about 4 inches tall — about three weeks — your pea greens are ready for harvest. They will be tender to about 8 inches tall.

Qing Chao Pea Sprouts (spinach)

This recipe comes from Budai, my favorite Taiwanese and Chinese restaurant in Albuquerque, from my time in those New Mexican hills.


2 servings

1 tablespoon peanut oil

1 teaspoon toasted sesame oil

1 teaspoon Sichuan peppercorns (or substitute one clove minced garlic)

1 pound chopped pea shoots, including leaves, stems and curlycues

½ cup broth (chicken or clam)

½ cup rice wine

½ teaspoon white pepper

Salt to taste


Heat the oil on high in a wok or heavy pan. Add the Sichuan peppercorns and stir fry for 30 seconds. Add the pea greens, broth and wine, in that order. Stir it around quickly, cooking everything evenly. Add the white pepper. Stir fry one minute at high heat, so the sauce starts to thicken but doesn’t completely evaporate. Season with salt and serve.

Sunken City: Exotic, Tourist Draw, Nightmare for Local Residents

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By June Burlingame Smith, Contributor

In the past, Sunken City was a fun, if challenging, place to hike down to the tide pool at its base. We all did it, knew the dangers of the sliding cliff and falling debris, but we were careful. Anyone who chooses to enjoy naturally dangerous places on earth accepts that responsibility. 

Now, Sunken City has become an attractive nuisance because the well-meaning project to protect private property along its edge by building a fence has morphed into the unintended consequence of a “keep them out at any cost.” And young people, especially, love such an “in your face” challenge. 

The fence keeps almost nobody out as people can gain access from the shore or they can cut or go around the fence. But it does hinder access in an emergency. Teams regularly run practice sessions so they can be prepared to help when they are needed. Police can “sweep the park (Pt. Fermin)” but not Sunken City at night. Consequently, helicopters using bull horns and search lights are the answer to ongoing problems at night … waking everyone up within hearing distance, disrupting animals, children, and people with PTSD, in unpardonable ways.

Sunken City is a huge expense for the City and County of Los Angeles as well as devastating to the families of those who lose their lives. No one bothers or seems interested in totalling up the true cost, but it is costing citizens huge amounts of money to monitor, repair and rescue people from this “attractive nuisance.” Meanwhile, it’s been a great entrepreneur opportunity for others to make a buck.

Recreation and Parks says it doesn’t have the money to implement its plan to change things. It has done a geological study and knows what land is stable and what is not. And the city, with the permission of the Coastal Commission, voted to approve a fence (after a staff report that originally said to deny the permit and a second rather mysterious hearing was held a few months later) … not to keep people out of the area but to protect private property along the perimeter to the slide.

So we are confronted with the resultant situation: a fence that cuts off coastal access (a violation of the California Coastal Act) and doesn’t prevent people from using the area;  a dangerous debris area with chunks of concrete and old Red Car rail tracks ready to fall on people and harm or kill them; and an inadequate drain-off from Pacific Avenue.

Our leaders pay “lip service,” but do nothing except send in the police and tell us they have no funds.    

Enough of this economic and political nonsense.

B.B. Dickerson: Bassist for Band War, Dead at 71

Earlier this month Los Angeles Harbor Area native B.B. Dickerson died following a long bout with an undisclosed illness at the age of 71. The bassist — whose real name was Morris — was one of the founding members of the band War.

Shortly after Howard E. Scott returned from West Germany, he and Harold Brown, both founding members of War, got together with Lonnie Jordan and B.B. Dickerson to form The Nightshift. The band included the late Deacon Jones, the NFL Hall of Fame defensive end for the Los Angeles Rams. 

While playing at a North Hollywood club in 1969, The Nightshift met famous producer Jerry Goldstein, Danish harmonica player Lee Oskar and Eric Burdon from the band, The Animals. It was at this point that the band War was formed.

Dickerson was born in 1949 in Torrance, and was reared in Harbor City. He started playing bass at the age of 12.

In 1962,  Scott and Brown formed a group called The Creators, with B.B. joining the line-up a few years later.

They went on to become War in 1969, and hit the height of their popularity in the 1970s.

He co-wrote and played on popular War songs including  Low Rider and  Summer. 

War had a Billboard chart number one album in 1973 with  The World Is a Ghetto, while their single The Cisco Kid reached number two.

B.B. also regularly contributed vocals to songs, with him taking the lead on title track The War Is a Ghetto. 

Dickerson was playing with the group in London on Sept. 18, 1970 when Jimi Hendrix joined them onstage for the final 35 minutes of the set in what would be Hendrix’s last public performance.

Arguably the most popular funk group in the 1970s, War featured influences from soul, Latin, rhythm and blues, rock, jazz, reggae and blues. Much of this musical amalgamation was courtesy of the various backgrounds of the band members. In fact, War was touted as transcending racial and cultural barriers, promoting harmony and brotherhood through its music.

War was plagued with band member fractures and lawsuits, some of which actually prevented the founding members from using the band’s name in association with their music. 

To work around the issue, Scott, Dickerson and Harold Brown began performing under the band name, The Lowrider Band, referencing one of War’s biggest hits.

The musician reportedly died peacefully at his home in Long Beach on April 6, survived by his mother and children.

Shakespeare by the Sea’s Measure for Measure: Meat and Potatoes Bard in the Wild West

With rare exceptions, COVID-19 has all but put a stop to live theatre. But Shakespeare by the Sea would be damned before failing to perform two shows for their 2020 season, like they’ve done every year this millennium. Yes, they weren’t able to stage them concurrently (as they usually do), and they weren’t able to do them in front of an audience, and the second got pushed into 2021. Finally, with their new Measure for Measure, it’s mission accomplished. 

As with October 2020’s Titus Andronicus, rather than stitch a show together or use digital bells and whistles, Shakespeare by the Sea has opted to present Measure for Measure exactly as they would have staged it in parks throughout Southern California in non-pandemic times. Set and lighting are no-frills; the stage is mic’d, with sound delivered through a PA. The only appreciable difference is that multiple cameras means you get multiple angles, rather than the single view you’d get from your seat.

This is both good and bad. Being that ShakeSea has neither fancy equipment nor pro camera operators or editors, the angles and shot selection can be clunky and random. That said, since Titus the troupe has upped their streaming game, roughly doubling the number of cameras. This includes two entirely new angles looking up at the actors from each side of the foot of the stage. These also appear to be the highest quality of the bunch (or maybe just seems that way because they’re closest), so I’m not so sure the best choice wouldn’t have been to present the entire show alternating between this pair of shots. Nonetheless, the coverage is a clear improvement over Titus.

While prior to now, ShakeSea has always staged shows more or less faithful to how they were mounted in the Bard’s own time (the significant exception being piped-in music between scenes), Measure gets a Wild West setting, an update that should be acceptable to all but the most dogmatic purists, if for no other reason than how well it fits the theme. 

To wit, Duke Vincentio (Patrick Vest) laments that permissiveness during his 19-year reign has engendered a populace with too little respect for law and order. But because he doesn’t want to be regarded as a tyrant for suddenly changing tack, he fakes a diplomatic trip abroad and leaves the strict and supposedly virtuous Lord Angelo (Jonathan Fisher) in charge to enforce the laws as he sees fit, then sticks around in disguise to watch what happens. 

Ever the student of human nature, William Shakespeare’s portrayal of how moralistic pols often turn out to be the biggest hypocrites, as well as how women are used and abused by the patriarchy, is as apt today as it was in the Wild West or Elizabethan England. But because Measure is neither particularly funny nor tragic (it’s considered one of his “problem plays” to categorize), it’s not as straightforwardly engaging as many of his better-known works (including another problem play, The Merchant of Venice). But ShakeSea wanted to utilize their pandemic season for plays not often produced — and to be sure, it may be quite a while before you find another local production of either Measure or Titus.

Although there’s nothing especially standout about this production — it’s meat-and-potatoes Shakespeare with a Wild West mise-en-scène (including short bursts of music reminiscent of Ennio Morricone) — Shakespeare by the Sea can always be counted for a cast and crew who know what they’re doing (and believe me, I can’t say that about everyone). And as always, the proceedings come in at almost exactly two hours. No one can say these cats aren’t consistent and efficient.

Shakespeare by the Sea’s Measure for Measure streams on-demand. Cost is free but donations gratefully accepted, reservations are required to receive the link.  For more details, call 310- 217-7596 or visit shakespearebythesea.org. If you already know you wanna see it, go here.

Details: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qs0Tbz-v3Bs

Economic Refugees and Safe Encampments

I find it curious that on the very night that the last Los Angeles City Council District 15 homeless working group held its recent meeting in which they were discussing a possible homeless campsite on Lots E and F on Port of Los Angeles property, the City and the Port of Long Beach opened up their arms and doors to house a few thousand refugees from another country.  This was done with a unanimous vote of its city council and with a request from President Joe Biden’s Homeland Security agency. It seemed like a reasonable act of compassion in contrast to the previous ex-president’s disdain and penchant for incarcerating children at the border.

There’s a natural compassion (at least for some) for innocent children fleeing from the conflicts and economics of Central America; not so much so for our own economic refugees whom we call “the homeless.”

Here’s my point: the young children at our border and our homeless sleeping on our streets are both “economic refugees.” Regardless of what other personal issues they have, their condition is driven by poverty; in America it’s still a crime to be poor.  If you are a wealthy immigrant, you can come in the front door with a visa. But if you are poor, then you are “illegal.” It’s the same with our unsheltered neighbors except that there’s a certain disdain as they are also seen as “lazy” and unwilling to work.

In fact, we make it harder on our own people who are poor than we do on many immigrants who come here looking for work — because we need cheap labor.

My main point in changing the narrative about what to call our homeless, unsheltered population and calling them “economic refugees” is that the underlying cause is poverty. Despite whatever other conditions they may have, whether it’s drug addiction, mental illness or outstanding warrants, they are still the most desperately poor among us. I have come to believe that this condition of extreme poverty threatens many of my neighbors who have a tenuous hold on the American dream and may just be a paycheck or two away from this circumstance themselves.

In many other places in the world where there’s a refugee crisis, the United Nations or other humanitarian organizations would set up what are commonly called refugee camps. They would be provided tents, sanitation, food and water, and yes, services. This comes before they are placed in homes, tiny or large, before they are relocated to permanent or semi-permanent locations, or taken to longer term care facilities; but it’s done as the most efficient way to sort out and process groups of people in a humane, compassionate way. Kind of like is being done at the Long Beach Convention Center for refugee children.

Let’s face it, the City of LA is many years away from having enough permanent housing for all of our current homeless refugees.  Even with all the efforts over the past several years, we don’t have enough permanent low income apartments, shelter beds, tiny homes or even safe parking lots to handle what we have now and what I fear will come after the pandemic. In short, providing designated campsites that provide sanitation, safety and services that are off of the public right-of-way will address the population that is shelter resistant now — not later! 

I do understand the desire to go out and to canvas the local population to find out the various reasons why these people don’t accept shelter or services, but from the research that is generally available what we already know is that some 15% of all the homeless refugees are just flat-out resistant.  And whatever the multitude of reasons for this is we must accept that as a reality — theirs, not ours.  However, it is not our place to judge nor is it legally accepted to force people off the streets, but we can offer them something that is better than nothing. It is both the humane and economically conservative path forward at this point. Especially when you realize that when the city does one of its “clean sweeps” it costs you the taxpayers something like $35,000 each time. And it does little to build trust with our unsheltered neighbors — our own economic refugees!

What is also becoming more obvious is that the kind of housing options that are being provided or forced upon the unsheltered are not really a good fit. In urban encampments, there’s often a natural sense of community, if not solidarity that is a natural part of the human condition. The communal living arrangements of these camps would be a good subject for a social scientist to study — where’s the next Margret Mead when we need her?

The point being that our leaders,  slow walking solutions, are trying to fit all round pegs into standardized square holes. Communal living solutions, either temporary or fixed, need to be considered as alternatives to the nuclear family or self-sustaining individual models now being offered.  We’ve seen this before in Los Angeles. The Dome Village is the previous incarnation of this approach, which can be read on Wikipedia

The main rationale behind safe campsites is that they can be done with the least expense using public property off the public right-of-way. They can be done now rather than later and with the right planning could take hundreds at a time rather than a few dozen. This also meets people where they are, rather than where we think they “should” be and addresses their basic human condition without judgment and it provides a solution that does not negatively impact either home owners nor businesses. 

The basic math at this point in San Pedro is that we have just 251 people living on our streets if all the other options are at capacity. If half of these are shelter resistant, that is a number that can be addressed with a Safe Camping solution. This would make it far easier to provide a concentration of services, a focal point for providers and others, until more permanent solutions and trust is built. 

Think of this as a KOA camp solution for homeless refugees or an RV park for those displaced living in vehicles. We might even imagine that if we ever come to grips with solving this homeless crisis that these very campsites might even be used for low-cost tourism in a city where five-star hotels can cost upwards of $720 per night.

I look forward to your perspectives in a response.

California’s Promising New Climate Agenda — Activists Weigh In

As we reported last month, California’s environmental record last year was abysmal — just 74% on the “Environmental Scorecard” from the California League of Conservation Voters. And the Greater SoCal 350 Legislative Committee’s report card was equally bleak — all Ds and Fs across every subject area, from “oil and gas extraction and operations,” to “transportation” and “plastic pollution” to “Green New Deal and just transition.” Coalition for a Safe Environment founder Jesse Marquez and other activists weighed in.

“The last legislative session was a horrific disappointment,” said Sherry Lear, who heads the committee. The COVID-19 pandemic and oil company lobbying were two chief impediments cited in its report card. “Paid lobbyists were able to be present in Sacramento, while local folks were relegated to remote Zoom meetings,” it noted. “This meant more than ever that only those with ‘inside’ connections were able to be heard.”

Perhaps most bitterly, as Lear recalled, SoCal 350’s highest priority bill for environmental justice, Assembly Bill 345, “died a very ugly death” in a committee hearing when three Democrats voted against it, with personal attacks on the bill’s sponsor, Assemblyman Al Muratsuchi, as well as activists. The bill would have required health protection zones between hazardous and polluting oil and gas production facilities and sensitive uses such as schools, homes and hospitals. California is the only oil-producing state without such health safety zones. After such a disappointment, this year could be quite different. 

“We’ve been very pleasantly surprised at the sheer amount of environmental bills that have been introduced, and the quality and breadth of them,” Lear said. Some setbacks have already happened, but the sheer range of proposals is inspiring.

Dealing with both causes and consequences — as well as related issues of equity and justice — has produced scores of proposed laws across a multitude of inter-related public policy areas, as described by Dr. Daniel Kammen, a professor of energy at UC Berkeley. “The overarching view of where we’re going … is very much captured in Senate Bill 582 that says we need to become more aggressive than a 40% cut in emissions by 2030 — the science says we could probably double that or more,” Kammen told Random Lengths News. “So, 80% or more is a possibility based on the dramatic movement of solar, wind, energy storage.”

A paper he recently co-authored, “Accelerating the timeline for climate action in California,” argues that “California is falling behind in its climate leadership and would benefit economically and ecologically and in terms of social justice, by establishing more aggressive goals.” 

Kammen went on to highlight several different bills — dealing with sea level rise, and environmental justice, as well as “Assembly Bill 1110, the Charge Ahead California Initiative, which will bring ZEV charging and ZEV ownership options and lease options to lower income people” which “dovetails beautifully with the Biden plan to build 500,000 EV charging stations.”

There are also “individual pieces that address the downside of our past, and that’s very much the bills that look in detail at fracking and our need to end natural gas, both for local health reasons, and for the more global climate story,” he said. 

“This is a big and mixed package,” Kammen summarized, “But beginning really with the high-level mission in 582 and then even jumping down to Assembly Bill 1325 that will allow micro grids to be a critical part of the story, all of these put together as a resilient low-cost climate solution.”

Fruits of Their Labor

That’s the overall view from a scientist who’s spent decades working on climate change. But bringing it to fruition will take a lot of grassroots citizen activism pushing up from below, which is where groups like SoCal 350 become critical. Lear has been active with 350 for several years, stepping into leadership as others have moved on or away, having overseen the expansion from a single group to a regional coalition of 350 chapters, local Indivisible groups and others, such as the Long Beach Alliance for Clean Energy, whose operations director, Dave Shukla, brings a wealth of expertise to the group.

“We’re early in the process, we’re just having committee hearings,” so the landscape of proposals, and the efforts to get them passed could change significantly. “Even the ones we really want to go somewhere may die in committee,” Lear said. Two such bills did as this story was being written. But, “There’s other bills we’re looking at, and kind of waiting to see what happens to them, and then we’ll jump on board, if they get out of committee and they’re going to the floor.” Because there is such urgent need and so much possibility, it’s helpful to understand a range of specific proposals being advanced — even the two bills that just died, because they’re bound to return in some form in the next two-year session.

A prime example is SB 467 — which died in committee on April 13, due to two crucial abstentions. It combined three distinct broadly-supported proposals:  

First, to curtail fracking and related well stimulation treatments; second — like AB 345 last session — to create health protection zones to restrict oil and gas production from close contact with residences, schools, hospitals or long-term care facilities; and third, Lear explained, “It would also provide funding for retraining and a just transition for oil field workers. … Given bills like SB 47 and AB 896 [more on these below] which will address capping of orphan oil wells, there will be a definite need for skilled workers to do this.” 

The bill was amended prior to the hearing in an effort to respond to objections.

“SB 467 will be amended and will become a bill focused on “managed decline” of well stimulation, fracking, etc. in California,” Lear explained. “The time frame for phasing out has been extended to reflect the type and amount of well stimulation actually happening in our state, which is far more than was anticipated.” But it wasn’t enough to persuade two neutral senators.

“While we saw this effort defeated today, this issue isn’t going away,” the bill’s authors, senators Scott Wiener and Monique Limon said in a joint statement. “We’ll continue to fight for aggressive climate action, against harmful drilling and for the health of our communities.”

As referenced above, AB 896 authorizes Cal GEM (The California Geologic Energy Management Division) to place liens on wells that are unsafe or operator delinquent, or to recover costs for plugging and abandonment. It also establishes a collection unit. 

Starting in fiscal year 2022–23, SB 47 raises CalGEM’s spending cap to deal with hazardous wells, idle-deserted wells, hazardous facilities and deserted facilities from $1 million to $10 million. The Wilmington oil field has many such wells. “That’s definitely an environmental justice issue,” Lear said. “We make it a priority to make 50% of our work support environmental justice issues.”

Another priority is building decarbonization, where Michael Rochmas, with 350’s Westside LA Hub takes the lead. 

“Natural gas in buildings is about 10% of our carbon emissions in California,” said Rochmas. “So, it’s really important to switch from gas to electricity and as the electric grid becomes renewable, then that will decarbonize buildings.” It’s not the largest factor, “But it is critical in order to hit our goals as a state.” It’s even more critical for green jobs. A UCLA study found it would create 100,000 new jobs. 

“There’s going to be a lot of work in terms of retrofitting buildings. … A lot of jobs for electricians, for example, to make sure that buildings can work with electrified appliances.” While the easiest way to electrify is with new construction, “Buildings last 40 or more years, so if we really want to electrify everything we really have to eventually retrofit.”

A suite of three bills authored by Sen. Dave Cortese deal with decarbonization. “Each bill has a different target,” Rochmas explains. 

“The first one, SB 30, is targeting the buildings the government runs itself and saying that any new buildings the government buys or pays our bills will be carbon neutral, or all electric and that there be a plan for retrofitting those buildings.” Its start date was set to be January 2022, but it’s now being held back as a two-year bill.  

Next, “SB 31 is for building electrification projects eligible for funding that the state has for climate-related projects. … The goal is to spur innovation.” Its next hearing date is Monday, April 19. Finally, “SB 32 tells local governments that they should put a plan in place for building electrification” — both cities and counties. Many already have such plans, “but other cities and counties haven’t done any kind planning around it, and so SB 32 says that they have to.” It’s being heard on April 15.

Just Transition

Transportation is the largest source of greenhouse gas emissions — about 40% of California’s total. This means reducing transportation needs as well as emissions. The former is epitomized by the concept of a “15-minute city,” Lear explained, “which is that you live, work and play within 15 minutes of your home,” an idea promoted by Assembly Transportation Chair Laura Friedman. The latter is best captured in a pair of bills supported by Coalition For a Safe Environment.

“We’re supporting two key legislative bills that support California achieving one million zero-emission fossil-free fuel vehicles in public service in California by Jan. 1, 2023,” said CFSE founder Jesse Marquez.

“AB 1110 and SB 551 mandate that the governor’s office take the leadership role, provide for long term funding support includes the building of statewide charging infrastructure, supports all public governmental entities such as small cities, local public transportation authorities and public school districts to purchase non-polluting fossil-free public buses, transportation vehicles, and maintenance utility vehicles and offers special incentives to low-income residents and disadvantaged communities.”

Another major transportation need is clear, says Dave Shukla, of the Long Beach Alliance for Clean Energy: “Our transportation corridors statewide need a fundamental overhaul of policy and incentives to decarbonize along science-based climate goals, like 80% from 1990 levels by 2030.”

That need could soon be answered.  Sen. Lena Gonzalez — the daughter of a port trucker — is the new chair of the Senate Transportation Committee, and has introduced a set of three significant bills — SB 671, SB 726, and SB 338.

“Taken together, these bills revamp existing Clean Trucks and Clean Freight programs to take more urgent action along scaled-up climate, environmental health, labor, and infrastructure goals,” Shukla said. “SB 671 updates the target dates and incentive programs for zero-emissions heavy and medium-duty trucks in line with Gov. [Gavin] Newsom’s recent executive order.” It would establish an assessment to identify freight corridors (or segments) to prioritize for the deployment of zero-emission medium- and heavy-duty vehicles and describe the necessary infrastructure, projects and operations.

“SB 726 updates the goals for rapid deployment of zero-emissions vehicles and infrastructure in line with Gov. Newsom’s executive order,” Shukla noted. “It also proposes significant changes to how clean energy infrastructure and technologies — such as battery storage requirements and charging stations sitting in the Freight corridors — are planned, developed, and deployed over the next decade.”

Finally, “SB 338 takes steps to address a fundamental inequity in port trucking misclassification.  In addition to creating health and safety standards for port drayage truck drivers, it would create a “bad actor” list for companies who commit violations of these standards, and make companies that continue to do business with these bad actors jointly liable for future violations, with more stringent requirements, including an audit, to get off the list.”

Summing up, he said, “California needs a comprehensive strategy for rapid development and deployment of zero emission vehicles and infrastructure. Each of these bills is a good start, and we are looking forward to how they evolve over the course of the legislative process.”

More broadly, “What the situation with the port trucking sector highlights is the importance of Just Transition policies in regional industry,” Shukla said. AB 1453, authored by Muratsuchi, would create a “Just Transition Plan” with recommendations to transition California to a climate-resilient and low-carbon economy that maximizes the benefits of climate actions while minimizing burdens to workers, especially workers in the fossil fuel industry, and their communities — especially those, such as Wilmington, facing disproportionate burdens from pollution.

“What we don’t want is workers and communities who were already struggling with redlining, poor labor standards and conditions, pollution, cumulative health burdens, etc. before the pandemic to bear the brunt of the economic or social costs of transition,” Shukla summed up.

Corporate Accountability

This leads to the issue of corporate accountability. “We need more sunlight, more reliable and independently verifiable information, on what highly polluting companies are actually doing,” Shukla said. Two bills in particular stand out. “SB 260 is noteworthy, because it requires large corporations  [more than $1 billion in annual revenues]  to publicly provide greenhouse gas inventories, and, crucially, set science-based emissions reduction targets.” Another bill, SB 449, requires banks and other financial entities to create annual climate-related financial risk reports.”

Another bill from Gonzalez, SB 342, addresses another aspect of accountability: providing a voice on the AQMD board for communities that are disproportionately burdened by high levels of pollution and issues of environmental justice. It would require the appointment of two members from such communities — one by the Speaker of the Assembly, the other by the Senate Committee on Rules.

“Giving these communities (including my own) a direct say in air quality issues is the right thing to do,” said Chris Chavez, Deputy Policy Director at the Coalition for Clean Air. “Currently, the forums available to these communities are, at best, advisory. SCAQMD will be considering rules on warehouses and refineries that can improve air quality for these communities. Yet, these rules, which have faced years-long delays, have faced stiff opposition from industry and hesitant board members,” he said. SB 342 would change that significantly — a crucial part of changing the overall constellation of California policy-making.

Like the League of Conservation Voters, Coalition for Clean Air is a well-established organization accustomed to decades-long struggles, which inclines them towards caution. When asked about SB 582, and its accelerated target of 80% reductions by 2030, they both offered similar responses.

“From a policy perspective it may make more sense at this point to put in place feasible measures to actually reach the targets already in law rather than put our energies into establishing new goals,” cautioned Bill Magavern, Policy Director at CCA. “We are only setting ourselves up for failure if we focus too much on targets and not enough on concrete action,” warned Mike Young, Political and Organizing Director at League of Conservation Voters.

But it’s an open question whether we have to choose, or whether, as Kammen argues, advances on each front can reinforce one another. The more voices are raised drawing the connections these bills and others make, the more likely it is we can advance on all fronts, which is why groups like SoCal 350 and its coalition partners have such a significant role to play. Time is growing short — for the planet and for California, as last year’s record forest fires remind us.

“20-plus years ago the environmental justice movement began its advocacy in California of supporting our statewide dream for clean air, clean environment and healthy communities by advocating for new stricter environmental laws,” Marquez said.  “Today, our new generation of environmental and equitable justice legislators are pioneering new laws, policies and programs and endorsing new alternative technologies that will achieve those dreams and create tens of thousands of new California jobs.”