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Century-Old Injustice Redressed by Hahn

Bruce family goes toe-to-toe with Manhattan Beach City Council

In a second update to this story, on April 20, the Board voted unanimously to support two items regarding Bruce’s Beach, both authored by Supervisor Hahn and co-authored by Supervisor Holly Mitchell:

Item 8: Returning Bruce’s Beach to its Rightful Owners— Instructs the County CEO’s Office to report back in 60 days with a plan for how to return the property to the Bruce family including a timeline,  options for how to address property tax issues after the transfer, and plans for the County to either lease the property from the Bruce family or relocate the County Lifeguard facility currently at the property. 

Item 9: Los Angeles County Sponsor (SB) 796—  Would make Los Angeles County an official sponsor of CA Senate Bill 796 introduced last week by Senator Steven Bradford. The legislation is necessary because when the State transferred the property to the County in 1995, the deal restricted the County’s ability to transfer the property. SB 796 would lift these restrictions and allow the County to transfer the property to the Bruce family. 

Hahn said she hopes this work will be a model for other governments to follow.

After nearly a century an injustice brought upon the Bruce family in Manhattan Beach stands to be repaired. On April 9,  LA County Supervisor Janice Hahn, at a seaside press conference in that beach city, made formal LA County’s intentions to return the beachfront property to the direct descendants of the Bruce family. 

Upon hearing the story behind Bruce’s Beach, Hahn set out to correct a wrong and to get justice for the Bruce family. In 1912, Willa and Charles Bruce purchased two parcels of property in Manhattan Beach for $1,225. The couple built the first beach resort owned by and built for Black Americans when segregation prevented them from going to the majority of other beaches. Black families travelled great distances to be able to bask in the sun on the California coast.

But many white residents, as well as the wealthy San Pedro real estate developer George Peck, were not happy about these events — or the popularity of the resort. They harassed the Bruces and the Ku Klux Klan tried to burn down the resort. Ultimately, in 1924, the Manhattan Beach City Council robbed the Bruces of their land through eminent domain, claiming an “urgent need” to build a park. After it was left unused for many years, the land was transferred to the state in 1948. No park was built until 1957 and then in 1995 it was transferred back to Los Angeles County. Racial covenants in real estate deeds, commonly known as “red lining’ were not outlawed in California until the California Supreme Court ruled in the 1967 case, Reitman v. Mulkey.

Most of the South Bay, all of Palos Verdes and much of San Pedro were segregated by this method.

Bruce’s Beach press conference on April 9. From left to right: State Assemblyman Al Muratsuchi, Chief Duane Yellowfeather Shepard — representative of the Bruce Family, former Manhattan Beach Mayor Mitch Ward, LA County supervisors Holly Mitchell and Janice Hahn, and State Sen. Steve Bradford. Photo courtesy of Supervisor’s Hahn office.

Hahn seized upon the 1995 transfer of the land back into county hands as an opportunity to right an historic wrong. Hahn enlisted numerous allies in the state legislature to make this goal a reality. 

State Sen. Steven Bradford — who is a new appointee of the state reparations task force — April 12, introduced Senate Bill 796, which he authored to allow the county to transfer the property back to its rightful owners. The 1995 transfer included restrictions that limited the county’s ability to sell or transfer the property and could only be lifted through state law. If the law passes, the transfer to the Bruce descendants must be approved by the Board of Supervisors. 

SB 796 will have an urgency clause, which requires a two-thirds vote of both houses because the authors of the bill want it enacted this year. Without an urgency clause it would only take a simple majority but it wouldn’t go into effect until next year, with the governor’s signature, Bradford explained. 

 “If you can inherit generational wealth, you can inherit generational debt.” Sen. Bradford said at the dais. “I look forward to getting this legislation signed into law this year.”

State Assemblyman Al Muratsuchi said as co-author of SB 796, he will be fighting for a measure of justice for the descendants of the Bruce family. Bruce’s Beach was only one of two “so-called” Black beaches in LA County 100 years ago. 

“A lot has changed over the last 100 years,” Muratsuchi said. “But we still need to work for a lot more change but as a representative of Manhattan Beach … I know [this] is not a racist city … There are good people … like Mayor Pro-tem Hildy Stern who was fighting for an apology from the City of Manhattan Beach to the Bruce family for what happened 100 years ago.” 

Muratsuchi noted in 1988 President Ronald Reagan apologized on behalf of this country to the more than 110,000 Japanese Americans who lost both their property and their freedom because of the unjust incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II. 

“Of course President Reagan didn’t have anything to do with the incarceration of Japanese Americans during WWII,” Muratsuchi said. “ … He was big enough to give an apology on behalf of the USA to all people of Japanese ancestry for the loss that they suffered during WWII. So, if [he] could do it, the mayor and city council can do it.”

Representing the Bruce family was Chief Duane Yellowfeather Shepard, who said we all know the shenanigans of the Manhattan Beach City Council. 

“My family asked me to tell the city council that when you go low, we stand toe-to-toe,” Shepard said. “We will not tolerate the insults that are coming from your city council and we highly suggest that you start revising your budget very soon. My name is Chief Duane Yellowfeather, the designated representative for Charles and Willa Bruce.”

Shepard shared an — at the very least — tone deaf account, for those who didn’t know. The “slave master” of Willa Bruce’s mother gave the name “Willy” to the young Willa, who eventually “threw off that name,” deciding to be called Willa. But someone on the Manhattan Beach City Council decided to refer to Willa by that slave name — a “slap in the face to the memory of our matriarch,” Shepard said. 

Then the city council issued an acknowledgement but no apology.

“They say the events — the terrorism — that happened to my family was ‘reportedly done,’ events are ‘ostensible,’” Shepard said. “And people say I’m angry? I am. I am from the generation that Charles and Willa prayed for and we’re going to stay here until the job is done.”

One of three options is on the table for the transfer to the Bruce family; transfer the property back to the Bruce family; transfer the land with a ground lease back to LA County to continue the lifeguard operations on the site, paying rent to the Bruce family; determine the property value and make a monetary payment to the Bruce family.

Hahn acknowledged Kavon Ward, founder of Justice for Bruce’s Beach, for raising this issue to the public’s eye and for helping her to understand. Ward made reference to receiving death threats, intimidations and dog whistles but said they won’t silence her. 

“Now is the time for reckoning,” Ward said. “Reparative justice is what we seek. Apologize, make amends, pay restitution to the Bruce family. 

“Manhattan Beach,” she called, “restoration and reconciliation is not the sole responsibility of LA County, but thank you, Supervisor Hahn and Sen. Bradford for taking accountability and for positioning yourselves on the right side of history. Thank you for being waves in this movement with me … as we, the movement is on the precipice of making history.”

“And the people say, ‘Amen!’” said Hahn.

How an Environmental Disaster was Rediscovered After 70 Years

Just 10 miles off the coast of Los Angeles lurks an environmental disaster over 70 years in the making, which few have ever heard about. That is, until now, thanks to the research of a University of California marine scientist named David Valentine.

Last month, a team of researchers led by scientists from UC San Diego’s Scripps Institution of Oceanography and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration completed a two-week survey between Catalina Island and the coast of Palos Verdes of an unknown number of barrels of hazardous chemicals to determine the extent of environmental damage and, potentially, who might be to blame.

The study, which finished last month, included verifying how many barrels sit at the bottom of the ocean containing the toxic chemicals, possibly including Dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane, or DDT.

Lauren Fimbres Wood, Director of Strategic Communications for Scripps Institution of Oceanography, said the survey amassed several terabytes worth of acoustic imagery and the chief scientist Eric Terrill is working to sift through the data to identify the scope and quantity of the debris field targets. 

“He is hopeful that in the coming weeks he can provide more accurate updates from the expedition to the media and the public,” Wood said. “But that likely won’t be until the end of the month (April).”

The researchers used two autonomous underwater vehicles to conduct a sonar scan of the sea floor, Wood said. Their goal was to detect debris they can identify as barrels in a larger area of the sea floor than previously possible. 

 This study was conducted in the wake of a Los Angeles Times story this past October that revealed the discovery of potentially hundreds of thousands of DDT barrels that for decades were dumped off the coast of Southern California. This is significant given the reporting on the DDT superfund site a decade prior suggested that DDT on the ocean floor, transported by sewage pipe off the coast of Palos Verdes had disappeared. 

The  article detailed the discovery made by scientists working on a different topic of inquiry who decided to look into the issue  using a deep-sea robot outfitted with sonar equipment, bright lights and cameras.  

A Superfund battle that lasted for decades later exposed Montrose Chemical Corporation’s  disposal of toxic waste through sewage pipes that poured into the ocean — but the DDT that was barged out to sea drew comparatively little attention. This happened even though there were records kept for years that documented the dumping of DDT waste off the Los Angeles coast and it was well known back in the 1980s by local marine biologists. It is curious to Raymond Wells, Ph.D., a retired marine biology professor who lives in San Pedro.  “We all knew about the DDT barrels back in the 1980s,” he said.

Yet, at the depth that they were discovered, about 1,500 meters, “I’m not sure how much the toxins will enter the food chain,” Wells said.   

Reporters pored over shipping logs which showed that thousands of barrels of acid sludge laced with this synthetic chemical were being boated out to a site near Catalina and dumped into the deep ocean every month for years after World War II. 

Regulators reported in the 1980s that the men in charge of DDT waste disposal sometimes took shortcuts, dumping it closer to shore.  When the barrels were too buoyant to sink on their own, one report said, the crews simply punctured them with hatchets. 

A California Regional Water Quality Control Board scientist heard rumors of the dumping of DDT barrels into the ocean in the early 1980s. The scientist investigated by asking to review Montrose shipping logs and confirmed the rumors to be true. But nothing came of the reports.  And yet, Professor Wells learned about the barrels of DDT back in graduate school. “We all were aware that DDT had been dumped off the coast,” he said recently.

David Valentine, professor of microbiology and geochemistry at UC Santa Barbara, found the reports more than a decade later and was intrigued enough to conduct a study using a remotely operated vehicle and discovered 60 to 100 barrels in a small survey area about 3,000 feet below the surface. 

It was not until they published the first paper describing the site and other aspects of their reconnaissance mission in 2019, followed by an investigative story in October 2020 in the Los Angeles Times, that people started to take notice. 

Random Lengths News first reported on the DDT and PCB pollution in February 1986 and many times subsequently. We find it curious that only now does this long ignored problem surface in the news as if they just discovered the Titanic.

New Sewage Tunnel to Be Built Under San Pedro

The Los Angeles County Sanitation Districts are working on a new tunnel to carry wastewater to the ocean in an endeavor titled the Clearwater Project. This will be created using a tunnel boring machine, or TBM, which will travel under public streets along a 7-mile path, starting at the Joint Water Pollution Control Plant in Carson (next to the 110 fwy) and going underneath Harbor City and San Pedro. This $700 million project was created to replace two existing tunnels that are part of the joint outfall system. One of the existing tunnels is 60 years old, and the other is 80 years old. Water that comes to the plant is treated, and then sent to the ocean via these tunnels.

Despite their age, the two existing tunnels cannot be inspected or repaired, because they are still continuously used. In addition, they are not built to current seismic standards, and pass over two fault lines. The capacity of the tunnels was almost met twice during major storms. Once the new tunnel is created, the older tunnels will be kept as backups.

While construction for the project began in 2019, the actual tunneling will begin in July, after a launch event on April 15. It will start in Carson and end at Royal Palms Beach in 2026. Along the way, it will go under Figueroa Street, Harbor Regional Park, North Gaffey Street, Capitol Drive and Western Avenue.

The TBM should reach North Gaffey Street near the end of 2021, said Russ Vakharia, supervising engineer of construction management.

“It’ll take several months to get the machine launched,” Vakharia said. “We got to go … across Harbor Park for quite a ways, and then onto San Pedro.”

While the existing tunnels follow a straightforward path, the new tunnel will have more than 30 curves.

“The purpose of that is to try to keep it under public-right-of-way,” Vakharia said. “[This is] to minimize the impact on the public, per the public’s request.”

To minimize above ground impact, once the TBM begins its journey underground, it will not be emerging until it finishes at Royal Palms Beach. However, there will be several machines monitoring the project, including monitors above ground, which will monitor whether the TBM is moving the ground above.

The dirt that is removed from the tunnel will have to be taken out through the TBM’s initial entrance shaft. The farther the TBM goes, the longer the removal will take, and the more the wiring attached to the machine will need to be extended.

“Because there’s only one shaft in Carson, near Figueroa and Lomita boulevards, everything has to come out that shaft,” Vakharia said. “As they go further, the logistics in terms of time to get segments in, and people in and out, plus dirt out, will increase for sure.”

A slurry made of bentonite helps lubricate the head of the TBM, and then the bentonite is mixed with dirt, and sent back up the shaft. Once it goes back up the shaft, it is treated, and the bentonite and dirt are separated. The bentonite is sent back to continue to lubricate the TBM, and the dirt is either disposed of, or sold if Dragados, the contractor the districts are using, can find a buyer for it.

The TBM will not be remote operated, it will be manned all the time it is in operation. Vakharia said it will probably be used 20 to 24 hours a day, five days a week. Dragados estimates it will be able to tunnel 45 to 50 feet a day.

“The contractor always has a crew down there,” Vakharia said. “Even though the machine is very automated and all, there’s always an operator there and then there are other people in there doing various other tasks.”

The Sanitation Districts have dug other tunnels before but have usually used simpler tunnel machines. This project is more complex, partially because of the many curves the tunnel will have, and the length of the tunnel. Many other tunneling jobs are straight, and only one or two miles. In addition, the TBM must go through a variety of ground, ranging from soft ground to rock. Ordinarily, the districts would use two different machines for different types of ground.

“We’re using one machine from one shaft to minimize the surface impact,” Vakharia said. “So that machine has to be versatile.”

Another challenge is that the entire tunnel will be below groundwater, meaning the TBM will need to function under significant earth and water pressures.

The TBM was built in a Herrenknecht factory in Germany, where it was tested, then sent to the plant in pieces. It is 21.5 feet in diameter, completely electric and has a head that turns, with individual pieces on the head that cut as well. The tunnel itself will be 18 feet in diameter, because as it tunnels, the TBM leaves behind pre-made concrete rings 5 feet long, which form the inside of the tunnel.

The different sections of the TBM are so heavy that they will be placed into the shaft with a crane one at time, and then welded together inside. It also pulls behind it more than 750 feet of trailing gear, which includes ventilation for the workers, power cables, transformers, pumps, piping and safety equipment.

“You have to support the entire crew with the trailing gear, and the entire tunneling operation,” Vakharia said. “It’s like a moving, underground city.”

The various parts of the TBM were sent to the plant in 90 truckloads. This was slowed somewhat by the pandemic, as it was being manufactured last spring, when COVID-19 was at its height.

“There were some factory shutdowns, logistic issues and all that did delay some of the parts being procured and delivered,” Vakharia said. “The ports have been really backed up, LA and Long Beach, so even some of the parts that came from elsewhere were held up.”

There are other things that must be done inside the tunnel after the TBM is finished, such as the placing of a secondary steel where the tunnel crosses earthquake faults. However, there will not need to be any more concrete work.

The plant has various contingency plans for different problems, such as if the machine breaks down.

“It’s the contractor’s responsibility to maintain the machine,” Vakharia said. “There’s a lot of moving parts, and it’s [a] pretty high-tech machine, so depending on what the situation is, they always have mechanics and other people who are technically qualified, plus the manufacturer of the machine is available to provide support also.”

If the TBM were to run into an unexpected oil deposit, or some other type of contaminant, there is a plan in place.

“If we run into abandoned oil well or something like that, which is not shown in the drawings, we don’t think there’s anything there, we’ve done scans and all, then there is a procedure for stopping the mining and removing that,” Vakharia said. “We don’t anticipate that, but it’s always possible that there’s something out there that wasn’t shown on the drawings from a long time ago.”

Huntington Beach Stands Against White Supremacists Hatred

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On April 11, far right extremists held “White Lives Matter” marches in several cities across the country. One such march happened in Huntington Beach  — with a 63% non-Hispanic white  population, it has long faced criticism about hate groups and racial incidents. 

The Los Angeles Times April 9, reported that a counter protest was organized for the same day by “the grassroots group Black Lives Matter Huntington Beach.” The Times included a link to the press release announcing the counterprotest. But BLM Global Network did not attend the Huntington Beach rally. In fact, the organization sent out emails to announce it would not attend any of the rallies planned for April 11, which read:

“We want to make it abundantly clear that Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation and Black Lives Matter Grassroots do not support counter-protesting ― the tactic of showing up to hate groups’ events to voice our opposition. While we understand counter-protests are organized with good intentions, it’s important to remember that only we keep us safe ― especially in the face of white supremacy. We must not be reactionary to white supremacy — but protective of our communities, our people, our well-being, and our dedication to Black liberation.

For that reason, we are not supporting or affiliated with any counterprotests you may hear about being organized in Huntington Beach (or anywhere else, at any time).”

The Huntington Beach Police Department reported they made 12 arrests and over the course of the day from 10:30 until 2:30, when they called an unlawful assembly. About 500 people showed up in the beach city to counter protest. RLn spoke to three of them; Maya Denola and Gina Lumbruno of the Good Trouble Brigade, a community organization that RLn wrote a story about in December 2020, and member of the Carry On Movement Jai Hudson. 

Carry On describes itself as a movement that functions as a role model for what a democracy looks like. It holds symposiums during demonstrations and strives to set an example of how the system should work. It is anti-racist, anti-fascist, and anti-Imperialist.

Jai Hudson of Carry On Movement. Photo by Gaston Castellanos
Jai Hudson addresses HB rally counter protestor’s. Photo by Amirta

Hudson explained Carry On’s symposium’s serve to hold an honest discussion about people’s ignorance, in hopes people will leave a conversation with more wisdom than they came with. 

In this capacity it sets examples through traditional steps of how not to act as a patriarchy and how to act when children are present. 

That means when people ask to speak in public events such as rally’s, Carry On waits for a woman or girl to speak before Hudson speaks. This translates into daily life and the dynamic when men and women are together, women often get cut off and spoken over. Men get their point across without consideration of who they interrupted. Hudson noted that the same issue happens between men of color too.

“Tradition becomes culture, “ Hudson said. Culture and celebration shows our values.”

When Hudson, who is Black, posted on social media about the Sunday rally, we contacted him to confirm that BLMGN was not present. From that communication, after confirming BLM was not at the rally, Hudson thoughtfully articulated his thoughts as a resident raised in the beach town. 

“For everyone that responded “what about white lives?” when we mentioned the value of black lives. For everyone that responded with “All Lives Matter,” for everyone that said “what about black on black crime?” And for everyone that shouted “white power.” Hudson wrote, “Your opportunity was yesterday.

He continued; “An overwhelming number of people including those of European descent … opposed a white lives matter rally while arguing against anti-blackness and white supremacy in general. They defend black life with all the energy they had for hours in Huntington Beach. 

“People from everywhere including HB locals fought back against the false racial superiority complex,” Hudson wrote. “ … They said “anti-blackness is not welcomed here in Orange County” and honestly, that’s unusual.”

Hudson remarked, it’s his belief that if he were a child again growing up in that city, he’d have a better opportunity in life than his path today. Meaning; “if we keep  this energy as a community, children like [him] growing up in HB should have a better quality of life.”

Good Trouble

Denola and Lumbruno of Good Trouble originally planned a rally at 6th and Mesa streets in San Pedro, where they held their vigils until the COVID-19 safer-at-home measures happened. It was planned to counter the April 11, Ku Klux Klan rally and to support their comrades in Huntington Beach, Lumbruno said. When they discovered an organization they knew well, Coalition For Community Control of the Police, was going to be at the Huntington Beach rally, they wanted to support them and switched locations.

It was a diverse crowd of rally attendees the women noted, with a large portion of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and European whites. Throughout the day about 40 to 50 people, from different groups of white supremicists “kind of creeped in,” Lumbruno said.

“They didn’t come across Main Street and announce themselves,” Lumbruno said. They came down the side street and all of a sudden they were there.”

Denola noted they were individuals, who “popped on and popped off.” adding she didn’t see any organized presence of white nationalists or Proud Boys, which was funny because they’re the one who called for the rally. 

Lumbruno said she was almost scared to go — possibly expecting thousands of people.

White Lives Matter protestor

Some of the white nationalists there they said looked hardcore. Others appeared to be “random white privileged racists, Denola said, with a smattering of conspiracy theorists.” She recounted having two very bizarre conversations. In the first conversation, a young Asian woman attempted to engage a white woman at the White Lives Matter rally in discussion about the racial backlash Asian Americans have faced as of late. The White Lives Matter demonstrator replied by reversing the narrative, “Do you mean all the Black people who are murdering Asian people?” To that Denola chimed in, who killed all those Asian people in Georgia?

Denola said the White Lives Matter demonstrator insisted that the Atlanta mass shooting was staged.

“Do they really believe that or is that their out?” Lumbruno said.  “They’ve been taught that from the insurrection.”

Denola recounted another experience in which a different White Lives Matter demonstrator claimed that rather than white nationalists it was agents of antifa who stormed the capitol Jan. 6. When asked, the woman said she didn’t know what Antifa stands for. So Denola explained it stands for anti fascists — you know, the people who fought the Nazi’s and Moussolini. Denola said the woman just looked at her and walked away.

Denola said she tried hard to have rational conversations, just as the women do at their vigils in San Pedro. Lumbruno said they just don’t understand, even what a white nationalist is. Both women said the police there,  “didn’t do shit but harass people.”

Lumbruno said it was chilling to see these people with hate dripping from their eyes. Every time a white supremicist got into the crowd, the crowd would “chant them” out – or verbally push them out. At one point Lumbruno thought she saw the KKK Grand Dragon Will Quigg. But it was someone who looked like him, being interviewed while three bodyguards stood by. The crowd stopped the interview by chanting. Lumbruno got so caught up in the moment, so much built up inside her, she was holding her sign up, yelling at him and chanting him down the street. 

Everybody yelled and chanted him down Main Street. They ended up about half a block from the police station. The police saw what was happening and escorted the man into the station. That’s when everyone gathered around, chanting at the police station. A couple of Proud Boys showed up and lined up with the police, Lumbruno noted. She thought it was odd. Then soon the police escorted the Proud Boys into the police station too. 

Both women commented that they would never receive protection like that from the police. They also made it a point to note that none of the counter protesters became violent. The only violence that happened was when the white nationalists tried to instigate it. 

“The idea was, they don’t get a space to express their hate speech,” Denola said. “The whole premise of the counterprotest was to send a clear and loud message about what we tolerate in these communities and what we don’t tolerate” 

Details: www.facebook.com/groups/carry-on-movement and www.facebook.com/San-Pedro-Good-Trouble-Brigade 

Senate Bill Adding Two Environmental Justice Reps To SCAQMD Passes California Senate Environmental Quality Committee

SACRAMENTO –The Senate Environmental Quality Committee April 13, passed Senate Bill No. 342 (SB 342) out of committee and is now headed to the Senate Governance and Finance Committee. The bill adding two environmental justice representatives to the South Coast Air Quality Management District or AQMD was introduced by Senator Lena Gonzalez and sponsored by San Diego County Board of Supervisors’ Chair Nathan Fletcher and  Communities for a Better Environment.

AQMD regulates air emissions from stationary sources located in the South Coast Air Basin. SB 342 will empower community involvement and promote equity by adding two environmental justice representatives to the South Coast Air Quality Management District governing board. Currently, 13 members comprise the board representing the south coast air basin region. The two new members will be required to live in and work directly with communities in the South Coast Air Basin that are disproportionately impacted by high levels of pollution. Adding these seats will empower the community and enhance local decision-making.

Others who testified in favor of the bill today were: California League of Conservation Voters, Coalition for Clean Air, Environmental Defense Fund, Sierra Club, and Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability.

The next steps for SB 342 to become law are as follows:

  • Will be heard in the Senate Governance and Finance Committee
  • Will be heard on the Senate Floor and referred to the Assembly
  • Will be heard in the relevant Assembly Policy Committee
  • Will be heard on the Assembly Floor and be referred to the Governor’s desk for signature.

How About $5000 Shelters for the Homeless Instead of Measure HHH @ $530,000 Per Unit?

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By Tony Butka April 8 for CityWatch

The Issue

Recently I wrote about CD14’s Kevin De León’s setting up of shelters in two locations to temporarily house the homeless: 

“As part of his far-reaching plan to combat homelessness in Los Angeles, CD 14 Councilmember Kevin de León recently filed a motion that could bring small, prefabricated housing units to two locations in Northeast LA. One location, in Eagle Rock, is the city-owned parking lot at 7541 N. Figueroa Street next to the on/off ramps of the 134 Freeway.” 

The problem with the two locations he chose was that they were both placed next to freeway onramps with contaminated air, which was contrary to Judge Carter’s ruling. So what else is new? 

Separate from those issues, I think the provider of these shelters is on to something. Called simplyPallet,they approach temporary homeless lodging from a different perspective.

Read more at:https://citywatchla.com/index.php/cw/los-angeles/21527-how-about-5000-shelters-for-the-homeless-instead-of-measure-hhh-530-000-per-unit

Men of Color in Los Angeles County Have Shockingly Higher Mortality Rates Than Women but Lower Vaccination Rates; More Than 5 Million Vaccine Doses Administered in L.A. County

The Los Angeles County Department of Public Health or Public Health has confirmed 3 new deaths and 411 new cases of COVID-19. The lower number of cases and deaths may reflect reporting delays over the weekend.

To date, Public Health identified 1,226,191 positive cases of COVID-19 across all areas of L.A. County and a total of 23,479 deaths.

The seven-day average number of daily cases by episode date remains at 400 new cases per day. The County’s daily case numbers for the week ending April 4 are now lower than reported cases one year ago at the beginning of the pandemic, when Public Health reported 606 daily cases by episode date on April 4, 2020.

Of the 3 new deaths reported today, two people that passed away were between the ages of 50 and 64, and one person who died was between the ages of 30 and 49. 

There are 470 people with COVID-19 currently hospitalized. Testing results are available for more than 6,212,000 individuals with 18% of people testing positive. Today’s daily test positivity rate is 1.3%.

There are significant differences in mortality rates between males and females in Los Angeles County that are troubling since case rates among women and men are relatively similar, with 11,866 cases per 100,000 women and 11,330 cases per 100,000 men. As of April 10, the cumulative mortality rate for females is 153 deaths per 100,000 women. Shockingly, the mortality rate among males in Los Angeles County is nearly double, at 289 deaths per 100,000 men. 

Black/African American and Latino/Latinx males also experience higher rates of mortality than Asian and White males. The mortality rate for Black Los Angeles County male residents is 267 deaths per 100,000 people and for Latino males, the mortality rate is 490 deaths per 100,000 people; this is nearly two and a half times the mortality rate for Asian males and more than three times the mortality rate for White males.

Unfortunately, although men, and men of color in particular, have significantly higher risk of dying from COVID-19, males in Los Angeles County, specifically Black and Latino males, have much lower vaccination rates. Fewer males are being vaccinated than females, with only 30% of males in Los Angeles County having received at least one dose of vaccine as of April 4, while 44% of females have received at least one dose of vaccine.  Black and Latino males are also being vaccinated at lower rates than vaccination rates for all other groups. Only 19% of Black males in Los Angeles County and 17% of Latino males received at least one dose of vaccine, compared to 35% of Asian males and 32% of White males in Los Angeles.

Public Health is making several changes to the Health Officer Order that will take effect on April 15. These changes align with the state changes to the Blueprint for a Safer Economy regarding indoor live events and performances, private events such as conferences, receptions and meetings, and private informal gatherings. The updated Health Officer Order reflecting these modifications will be posted online April 14, along with changes to the protocols for each of these sectors.

Starting April 15, indoor live events and performances will be permitted in Los Angeles County with the following safety measures:

  • Indoor live events and performances are able to open for in-state visitors only, who must pre-purchase tickets.
  • Eating or drinking is not permitted anywhere except pre-designated eating areas.
  • Masks must be worn at all times except when in designated eating areas.
  • There must be 6-feet of distance between different households unless people are fully vaccinated.
  • As with outdoor live events, employers must offer a weekly worker testing program. 

For venues that hold up to 1,500 people, there is a maximum capacity limit of 15% or 200 people, whichever is fewer. However, the capacity limit can increase to 35% if all guests are tested or vaccinated. For venues holding more than 1,500 people, there is a capacity limit of 10% or 2,000 people, whichever is fewer, although the capacity limit can increase to 25% if all guests are tested or vaccinated.

Private meetings such as conferences, receptions and meetings will be permitted starting on Thursday, April 15 with the following safety measures:

  • There must be a defined guest list or tickets must be purchased.
  • Masks must be worn at all times unless attendees are eating or drinking.
  • There must be 6-feet of distance between tables and chairs for guests not vaccinated.
  • There must be assigned seating or a seating chart with a max of 6 people per table for guests not vaccinated.
  • And there can be no intermingling of multiple private events. 

For outdoor private events, a maximum of 100 people is allowed, but that limit can increase to 300 people if all guests are tested or vaccinated. Tables are also limited to 6 people from a maximum of 3 households unless everyone at the table is vaccinated.  Indoor private events are only allowed if all guests are tested or vaccinated with a limit of 150 guests. 

Public Health is also modifying the protocols for private social or informal gatherings. Outdoor gatherings can have up to a maximum of 50 people. Masks will be required at all times unless people are eating or drinking. There must be 6-feet of distance between tables and chairs.  Seating at tables is restricted to 6 people from up to three households.  If everyone is vaccinated, the capacity limit at tables are not necessary.  

Indoor private gatherings are permitted, but strongly discouraged. If you choose to hold an indoor private gathering, the following are required safety modifications: 

  • A max of 25 people or a 25% capacity limit where capacity limits exist.
  • Masks must be worn at all times, unless everyone is full vaccinated.
  • And there can be no eating or drinking unless everyone attending is fully vaccinated or everyone attending is fully vaccinated except for members of 1 household that does not have any high-risk individuals. 

More than 5,100,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccine have been administered to people across Los Angeles County. Of these, 3,300,000 were first doses and more than 1,800,000 were second doses.   

On Thursday, April 15, COVID-19 vaccines become available to any resident in Los Angeles County who is 16 and older. The MyTurn website will be updated April 15 to reflect the change in eligibility; residents 16 and older can begin scheduling appointments for Thursday and later starting on Wednesday. Please note, youth 16 and 17 can only receive the Pfizer vaccine and need to sign up at a site that offers this vaccine. Providers vaccinating residents in hard hit communities have had flexibility to vaccinate family members of eligible residents for the past couple of weeks and will continue with these efforts. 

This week, 323,470 total doses were allocated to Los Angeles County.  Of this allocation, 139,870 doses are available for first doses and 183,600 are needed for second doses.  

The lack of supply continues to slow the pace of which we can provide vaccinations. Currently, the county has the ability to administer 734,000 vaccine doses this week, which is more than double the number of vaccines received this week. In total, of the 709 vaccination sites across the county this week, which is the most vaccination sites the county has had to date, 266 sites are in the hardest hit communities. These are communities with high case rates and low vaccination rates. Mobile vaccine teams will continue administering vaccines this week, with a priority of vaccinating residents 65 and older, including residents in hard hit communities that are homebound or have limited mobility. There are 95 mobile vaccination teams scheduled to administer vaccinations this week at senior housing sites, senior centers, faith-based organizations and community-based organizations. These mobile sites are critical to our effort to vaccinate hard hit communities with either lower vaccination rates or lack of access. In the coming weeks, an additional 237 mobile vaccinations sites are scheduled throughout our county. 

For information about how to make an appointment, what verifications you will need to show at your vaccination appointment, to sign up for a vaccination newsletter, and much more, visit: www.VaccinateLACounty.com (English) and www.VacunateLosAngeles.com (Spanish). Vaccinations are always free and open to eligible residents and workers regardless of immigration status.

Details:www.publichealth.lacounty.gov.

LA County Pauses Use of Johnson & Johnson Vaccine Following FDA and CDC Recommendation

Out of an abundance of caution, Los Angeles County is following the recommendation of the Food and Drug Administration or FDA and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention or CDC to pause the use of Johnson & Johnson vaccine after reports that six women between the ages of 18 and 48 developed unusual types of blood clots 6 to 13 days after receiving the vaccine. This pause will last until the FDA and CDC complete their review, which is expected to take several days.

Vaccine providers in Los Angeles County will contact patients about rescheduling or providing a new appointment for Pfizer or Moderna vaccine.

These reactions are extremely rare, as nearly 7,000,000 people have received the Johnson & Johnson vaccine in the United States to date. People who received the vaccine in the last 3 weeks should look for any symptoms of these unusual clots, including severe headaches, abdominal or leg pain, and shortness of breath, and contact their medical provider if symptoms develop. People who don’t have a medical provider can call 2-1-1 to connect with a healthcare provider.

Farmworkers Need Families, Not Deportation And Exploitation

By David Bacon and Anuradha Mittal

Americas Program, 4/9/21

https://davidbaconrealitycheck.blogspot.com/2021/04/farmworkers-need-families-not.html

During the Trump administration, the U.S. deported an average of 275,725 people per year, almost the same number of workers – 257,667 – were brought by growers last year to labor in U.S. fields. Contract laborers on H2-A visas now make up a tenth of the U.S.’s total agricultural workforce – an increase of more than 100,000 in just six years.

Deporting people while bringing in contract farm labor is not new. In 1954, during the bracero program the U.S. deported 1,074,277 people in the infamous “Operation Wetback, and brought in 309,033 contract workers. ” Two years later 445,197 braceros were brought to work on U.S. farms.

Farmworkers already living in the U.S. were replaced by contract labor when they demanded higher wages. Farmworker advocates accused the government of using deportations to create a labor shortage, and force workers and growers into the bracero program. Braceros were abused and cheated, they argued, and deported if they went on strike.

In response, civil rights and labor leaders of that era, including Cesar Chavez and Ernesto Galarza, pushed Congress to end the bracero program.

After ending the bracero program in 1964, Congress passed the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. A preference system for family immigration replaced the growers’ cheap labor supply scheme. By no accident, the grape strike which began the farmworkers’ union movement in Delano started the same year.

Today the Biden administration is seeking ways to undo the damage to immigrants and workers wrought by Trump’s executive orders. For farmworkers the worst of those orders came last April, when an infamous tweet suspended all the processing of family preference visas, effectively ending the program won by the civil rights movement. At the same time Trump tried to cut the wages of today’s braceros, the H2-A workers, and expand the program by making it even more grower-friendly.

In one positive move, Biden rescinded Trump’s wage cut. But a deeper choice remains.  

The H2-A program is even more abusive than the old bracero program. An opaque system of private recruiters and contractors brings in workers, extorting bribes for visas. Once in the U.S. these workers suffer wage theft and systematic labor violations. During the pandemic their barracks and bunk beds have become centers for spreading infection, and several have died. When workers protest conditions and go on strike they are fired and sent back to Mexico, and blacklisted for future employment.

At the same time, farmworkers living in the U.S. have seen their wages stagnate. It is not unusual to see workers living in cars and under trees at harvest time. Legal cases document the replacement of resident farmworkers by H2-A workers. This is not legal, but only 26 out of over eleven thousand growers were temporarily suspended from the program last year for violations.  Already in states like Georgia and Washington more than a quarter of all farm jobs are now filled by growers bringing in contract labor, and the number is rising quickly.

Over 90 percent of all farmworkers living in the U.S. are immigrants, and half are undocumented. Yet there is no way for those without papers to gain legal status. The largest agricultural employers have responded to demands for legalization with the Farm Workforce Modernization Act. It sets up the conditions for enormous growth in the H2-A program, and would likely lead to half the farm labor workforce in the U.S. laboring under H2-A visas within a few years. The bill will prohibit undocumented workers from working in agriculture, while implementing a restrictive and complex process in which some undocumented farmworkers could apply for legal status.

Instead of competing for domestic workers by raising wages, growers want H2-A workers whose wages stay only slightly above the legal minimum. This system then places workers with H-2A visas into competition with a domestic labor force, depressing the wages of all farmworkers.

For farmworkers trying to organize and change conditions, the H2-A program creates enormous obstacles. When H-2A workers themselves try to change exploitative conditions, employers can terminate their employment and end their legal visa status, in effect deporting them. Workers are then legally blacklisted, preventing their recruitment to work in future seasons. Farmworkers living in the U.S., thinking about organizing or going on strike, have to consider the risk of being replaced.

Meanwhile, farmworkers who have visas or are citizens can’t reunite their families here in the U.S. A mother who wants to bring her married daughter or son from Mexico City or Manila must wait over two decades because the family preference system has been starved for visas.  Meanwhile the H2-A program grows exponentially.

The time has come to do what Chavez and Galarza advocated, and won, half a century ago.  The H2-A program must be ended. Family reunification visas should be made available to the families that need them. People brought by their families to the U.S. will need work, and growers can hire them and others by raising wages and bargaining with farmworker unions.  

Many people in Mexico need work in the U.S. as well.  Making permanent visas available that are not tied to work status, while prohibiting recruitment by employers and contractors, allows people to cross the border and settle here with families. Growers needing their labor can pay higher wages to make farm labor jobs attractive.

High-wages and secure jobs for farmworkers can only come by discarding the old deportation/guestworker model, and instead supporting families with legalization, family-based visas, and unions and labor rights.

OXNARD, CA  2009 – The family of Lino Reyes are Mixtec migrants from San Martin Peras in Oaxaca.  He and his wife work in the strawberry fields, and live in the garage of a house on the outskirts of town.

David Bacon is a California journalist covering farm labor and immigration.  His latest book is In the Fields of the North (University of California, 2017).

Anuradha Mittal is the executive director of the Oakland Institute.This oped is based on a report on the H2-A program from the Oakland Institute, “DIGNITY OR EXPLOITATION – WHAT FUTURE FOR FARMWORKER FAMILIES IN THE UNITED STATES?”

Long Beach Residents 16 Plus Can Now Get Vaccinated

LONG BEACH—Over 43% of eligible adults are now vaccinated in Long Beach  — that means the city can start vaccinating all residents age 16 and over April 8,. With this move, Long Beach once again sets the pace for the State of California.

All Long Beach residents 16 and over are now eligible to receive a COVID-19 vaccine without an appointment. You will not see the option to book an appointment online through My Turn until April 15, once the State officially opens up the 16-49 age group category statewide.

If you still need a vaccine, please visit the Long Beach Convention Center’s walk-up vaccination site from 11 a.m. to 2 p.m., Monday through Saturday. Individuals must be able to prove they meet all eligibility requirements. Information on documentation can be found at longbeach.gov/VaxLB.

Approximately 500 vaccinations will be administered each day. Once our community has used up the vaccine supply for that day, all additional walk-ups will be offered an opportunity to schedule a future appointment. Please follow signs placed at the Convention Center to be directed to the walk-up vaccination site, which is ADA accessible.