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Random Letters: 12/10/20

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Transparency in Long Beach

What a waste of newsprint inch-space!

Your paper’s blow job column that intended to revive the reputation of Jeannine Pearce, one of the worst members of the LB city “clowncil,” is way over the top. [RLn issue 11/24/20 Outgoing Council Member Call Out Long Beach on Transparency…]

While Ms. Pearce bellows about the lack of transparency in the city, we should all be reminded of her own fallacies and missteps with regard to her drunken street fight with a former chief of staff/lover on the LB Freeway, shortly after Dr Mayor Garcia selected her for district 2 and the LB police, fire and service unions swept her into office.

No one has ever seen the disposition of her case, which would have landed any civilian in the slammer but was swiftly swept under the LB corruption rug.

We agree with Ms Pearce and know the city’s attorney has too much power and not sufficient transparency — after all, he ignored Ms Pearce’s illegalities thoroughly and continually.

The only wrist-slap she’s gotten over the past four years is being dismissed from chambers (virtual or physical) when one of her illegal activities is under discussion:

Ms. Pearce took funding from cannabis providers and wanted to vote on their laws, but was finally removed from doing so. And her activities with the shameful operators of the Queen Mary, Urban Commons, has caused her to be dismissed from all activities pertaining to the wayward ship, as well.

Transparency in LB is non-existent, as the city is actually being run by the police, fire and service unions, not the “mayor” and certainly not his 9-0 clowncil. The police and fire unions have made certain more than half of our operating budget goes directly into their pockets.

The sooner Ms. Pearce climbs into her Texas-licensed SUV (it couldn’t pass smog so she never registered it here) and returns to that state, the better off Long Beach may be.

But now we have another seat-warmer to deal with, OC Cindy Allen, who wanted to join clowncil because she likes being a “social butterfly”— Ms. Allen, like her predecessor, is an accomplished liar, thief and will do the “mayor’s” bidding without hesitation. That’s why she was chosen and why her benefactors reamed an honest man to make certain they could continue their reign of terror.

Anne Proffit, Long Beach


Dear Ms. Proffit,

It would appear as though there’s no one in Long Beach city government that meets your approval. 

Thanks for reading.

James Preston Allen, Publisher


Biden’s Dept. of Agriculture Choice

Gutsy, honest leadership is necessary to confront the wealthy interests that seek to exploit our democracy for personal gain and advance the common good.

This truth is directly applicable to one of the most important Cabinet appointments that President-elect Joe Biden will make: Secretary of Agriculture.

Marcia Fudge is a progressive who will use the power of government to feed the hungry and challenge multinational greed. Sign here to demand that Joe Biden nominate Marcia Fudge for Secretary of Agriculture!

The U.S. Department of Agriculture, created in 1862 by Abraham Lincoln to be what he called the “people’s department,” has major anti-monopoly authority.

It has its own banks, controls huge rural development and housing programs, and runs the food stamp, school lunch, and other nutrition programs.

It’s also responsible for food safety and pesticide regulations, directs the Forest Service and other conservation programs, and is mandated to serve consumers and the poor. The department wields a $151 billion annual budget and has some 100,000 employees and an office in every county in America.

Joe Biden has promised to restore trust that our federal government will serve the public interest rather than the already wealthy and powerful. Tell him to deliver on that promise!

Jim Hightower, Our Revolution National Board Member

Long Beach Announces Plan For Equitable Distribution of COVID-19 Vaccines

The Long Beach Health Department has announced that it will receive up to 3,900 doses of the Pfizer vaccine and vaccinations should begin by the end of the year. 

The Food and Drug Administration or FDA is completing the review of the Emergency Use Authorization for the Pfizer vaccine, which is anticipated to begin shipping on Dec. 14. In addition to the 3,900 doses of the Pfizer vaccine, the city expects to receive up to 11,600 doses of the Moderna vaccine in the weeks ahead. Critical populations, like hospital workers, will have first access to the vaccine.

The Health Department is managing the vaccine distribution process and will be following guidance from the Centers for Disease Control or CDC and the State. The City has the infrastructure to receive, store, distribute and dispense the vaccine.

Both the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines require two doses and provide the same efficacy. The difference between the two vaccines is the storage requirements.  

Vaccine Administration Overview

There will be several phases to the overall vaccination plan. Phases are determined by the CDC and the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP). The ACIP has given guidance on prioritizing those who are at highest risk of infection, like our hospital workers and other frontline workers, and later expanding to other essential workers, adults over the age of 65 and those with underlying health conditions. This prioritization, established to benefit the entire community, is organized into a set of phases, sub phases and tiers. 

Phase 1a will be the first group to have access to the vaccine. The number of people in this group is larger than the quantity of doses in the first shipment, therefore Phase 1a is divided into three tiers. The city expects everyone in Phase 1a to be vaccinated within the first three months of next year.

  • Tier 1 of Phase 1a includes acute care and skilled nursing facilities, paramedics and EMTs and dialysis centers. 
  • Tier 2 includes intermediate and home health care, community/public health field staff and primary care clinics.
  • Most other healthcare settings including laboratories, dentist offices and pharmacies will be in Tier 3.

In Phase 1b, as more vaccine allotments are received, they will be offered to other essential workers which includes refuse workers, grocery workers and those who have been working during the pandemic in an essential job function. The city anticipates this phase will begin in March or April of 2021. Phase 1c includes high-risk populations of adults over age 65 and adults with high-risk medical conditions.

During Phase 2, the vaccine will be available to the general public. Administration of the vaccine to the general public is expected in early summer.

A Perfect “Christmas Carol” for Our Time and All Time

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I must confess — and ‘tis the season for this confession: I’ve never read A Christmas Carol. Not much of an admission for some, but if you’re a theatre critic with fancy degrees who’s reviewed a half-dozen stage adaptations of this Charles Dickens classic, maybe you feel a bit funny coming clean.

With that off my chest, I have to admit I’m glad I hadn’t read it prior to seeing TBD Productions’ new staging (based on a production originated at L.A.’s Geffen Playhouse in 2018), because the novelty of hearing so much new (to me) text in a work so familiar was a real treat. 

But that pleasure is just a small part of the joy I received from the show as a whole, the best seasonal entertainment this side of It’s a Wonderful Life and the best one-man show I’ve ever seen — partly because of the redoubtable team producer Hunter Arnold brought together to pull it off.

The man here is Tony and Obie Award-winner Jefferson Mays, who so seamlessly portrays the narrator and every one of the dozens of characters with speaking parts that it’s as if Dickens wrote A Christmas Carol with just this sort of presentation in mind. Mays’s mastery of every line, syllable, and nuance brings to the surface the text’s many layers — the pathos, the philosophy, the playfulness, the entire emotional rainbow of Scrooge’s broad character arc. As with a great Shakespeare performance, you are guaranteed to come away with a fuller understanding and appreciation than you had going in.

Although TBD gives us more of what’s on the page than you’ll hear in any stage version that isn’t a simple reading, Mays, along with fellow adaptors Susan Lyons and Michael Arden (who deftly directs the proceedings), have made cuts, judiciously wielding their scalpel to trim the fat from digressions (such as an early bit about Hamlet) that would get us going sideways rather than forwards. Blasphemous as it may be to say, the result feels like an improvement (yes, now I’ve read the whole thing). Clocking in at 97 minutes, there isn’t a single superfluous second in this A Christmas Carol, which retains not only the source material’s full action and essence but also its idiosyncrasy and rich detailing. Plus, a blink-and-you-miss-it addition (based on the sure bet that you’ve never heard of “negus”) adds a gut-busting laugh.

But more important to the triumph than skillful surgery is the gestalt. Captured more or less live with multiple cameras at New York’s United Palace on October 28th, TBD’s design team has done wonders. Immaculate scenery drops from the flies and sails across the stage as if riding ice floes. Visual effects — most of it impressively in-camera — strikingly complement the text without ever upstaging it. Lighting evolves from perfect candlelight to dazzling whiteout, stopping at an array of gradations in between, all perfectly placed and paced. The sound spooks and shocks. And that’s to say nothing of the extensive, affecting use of Sufjan Stevens.

The end result is an impossibly good live show, a production that could not quite be achieved even on Broadway. With a book by Charles Dickens. Not too shabby.

Another confession: I chose to review this production partly because it’s relatively easy to write about a familiar show, and partly because every year it’s nice to have an excuse to remind people of the messages embedded in A Christmas Carol, messages — such as the idea that people can “open their shut-up hearts freely, and to think of people below them as if they really were fellow-passengers to the grave, and not another race of creatures bound on other journeys” — that transcend the holiday season and (if we’re lucky) take root in our soul to grow throughout our lifetime. What other reasons could I have had? How many readers do I think will drop $50 to watch a stage play at home, even if part of the proceeds go toward helping local theatre survive COVID-19?  

But if you can afford it, I can’t think of a nicer Xmas gift to give yourself and your loved ones. Creatively inspired by the limitations of our difficult present, TBD Productions expertly deliver a timeless message of hope, humanity, and the capacity to create a better future. This virtuosic A Christmas Carol would be worth seeing in the best of times. Right now, it’s a double blessing.

TBD Productions’ Charles Dickens’ “A Christmas Carol” streams on-demand through January 3. Cost: $50. For more information or to purchase a “ticket” so part of the proceeds benefit Long Beach’s International City Theatre, go ictlongbeach.org/2020-season/.

Shakespeare by the Sea Decides the Show Must Go On … Virtually

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It took a worldwide pandemic to stop Shakespeare by the Sea from doing business as usual, which in its case, is touring a pair of plays throughout Southern California outdoor spaces every summer, free of charge for one and all.

But when you’ve got as much love for the labor as it does, lost opportunities compel you to create new ones. So for the first time ever, Shakespeare by the Sea is online, presenting a pair of its namesake’s most obscure works to put at least a little something in the void that COVID-19 has created in the theatre world.

Judging by the response to the first of the pair of plays, this little something is welcome indeed. Rehearsed over the course of three weeks via Zoom and then with a pair of in-person run-throughs, on Oct. 24 the troupe staged Titus Andronicus on San Pedro’s Little Fish Theatre backlot in the relatively traditionalist style Shakespeare by the Sea fans have come to expect. The final product — every bit a live performance, with footage spliced together from three cameras but otherwise unedited — had over 800 registered viewers when it premiered on Halloween night (appropriate timing, considering Titus is the Bard at his goriest) and has picked up over 200 more since then.

Come Jan. 23, Measure for Measure — another first in Shakespeare by the Sea’s 22-year history — will be added to the mix. 

“I figured that our longtime fans would be excited to see/watch these [rarely] produced plays,” says SbtS co-founder and Producing Artistic Director Lisa Coffi. “The thought process behind this, for me, was to provide a project that got us all back together doing what we missed out on this summer — doing something positive, creative, and fulfilling. Rather than present the shows we’d planned for the summer, I wanted to jump on the opportunity to tackle plays that wouldn’t necessarily be presented as part of our ‘family-friendly fare.’”

Although everyone involved is concerned about COVID-19 (so much so that Measure for Measure was postponed from December until January to comply with LA County stay-at-home orders), Coffi feels presenting these shows with the actors face-to-face — and sans masks — is essential. 

“We rely on facial expressions to communicate fully, and the masking cuts us off,” she says. “We’re hungry to see people communicating and interacting and not frozen in Zoom while we wait for the internet to catch up.”

Otherwise, however, extensive safety protocols are employed. 

“The entire theatre area inside Little Fish Theatre was used as a dressing room, [with] each person having their own individual space,” Coffi reports. “Masks were required for everyone at all times except for the people on stage during the final filming.”

Initially, of course, cast members had concerns about participating, but the producers’ mitigation efforts were reassuring.

“I definitely had serious reservations in saying yes to this project,” reports Tara Donovan, who plays Tamora in Titus. “Tamora is a bucket-list role for me and Titus Andronicus is my favorite Shakespeare play, so I wanted to consider all the factors. I also work in the film world, so after hearing all the precautions being taken and the similarities to those being done on union and studio film shoots, I felt comfortable saying yes. I knew most of my castmates prior to starting rehearsals, and I trusted that they would be limiting their exposure and that we all had this sense of the common interest to protect each other’s health and safety.”

The unorthodox rehearsal process was also a challenge.

“Every actor works differently, so I think we all had different difficulties in the process,” says Patrick Vest, who performed the title role in Titus Andronicus and will direct Measure for Measure. “Personally, I am very spatially aware, so during rehearsals the lines just come to me based on where I am in the space [… b]ut because we couldn’t actually stage until two days before the cameras showed up to shoot, I didn’t have that luxury. I had to work in a way that I never work in order to get off book, and so I don’t think I was ever really as comfortable with the lines or my performance as I have been in my other show.”

“The online rehearsal process was difficult,” says Donovan, who will take on a dual role in Measure for Measure. “No matter how much I thought I knew my lines, I couldn’t remember them when facing a screen. Plus, you’re not connecting really with your castmates. The time on Zoom was more about each of us digging into the story and our own characters, which you don’t always get as much time for when rehearsing in person. I felt I knew my character and her story inside and out by the time we got together. When we as a cast were able to finally connect, we found moments and built relationships so much more quickly. The short amount of time for staging wasn’t as scary as it seemed when proposed because we were individually prepared. It just became about coalescing and remembering where to exit. Every time we ran it in person, it seemed to evolve exponentially. By the time we took our masks off, we had been together for a couple of days, and it began to feel a bit like old times — like we were just doing a show. I guess that’s the nice thing about being an actor: when you’re on stage, everything else in your own life fades away and you are in the world of the show.”

Coupled with AB 5, the well-intended but overly broad new law drastically reducing the range of workers who can be employed as independent contractors, COVID-19 has created a double-barreled existential crisis for California theatre companies — and so Coffi hopes theatre lovers will contribute what they can to help Shakespeare by the Sea afloat.

“Being closed since mid-March has created a very challenging financial situation,” Coffi says. “We’ve done our best to minimize expenses, basically going into semi-hibernation. We had grant funds for [our] 2020 summer season that we’ve been allowed to use on creating virtual experiences. Those funds, along with our PPP loan, are what is, in part, supporting the staff working on the SbtS Virtual Project. But that runs out at the end of the year. Hence the ‘ask’ for donations. We still need to pay rent, utilities, and other operating expenses. What 2021 holds in store for us is anyone’s guess. […] It’s challenging enough to be a small theatre operating in San Pedro, AB 5 has made it almost impossible. For [us] it means less rehearsal time, plays with smaller casts, less productions, more special events, more fundraising, more stress … just more. AB 5 plus COVID-19 is double whammy. […] It definitely makes me question why am I doing this? The admin alone often brings me to my knees and makes me want to weep. The answer, for me, is the people — the actors, the production team, the audience members and supporters. Being a member of a group of phenomenally talented, resilient, determined artists cheered on and encouraged to continue by appreciative champions is amazing. It’s giving people hope that we can overcome these challenges and continue our artistic endeavors. We’re creating memorable experiences and are part of something that’s bigger than ourselves.”


Times: On demand— Measure for Measure premieres Jan. 23. Reservations are required to receive the link

Cost: Free (donations gratefully accepted)  

Details: (310) 217-7596; www.shakespearebythesea.org

To view Titus Andronicus on YouTube: https://tinyurl.com/SbtS-Titus-YouTube

Works by Korean and American Artists Converge at SoLA

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South LA Contemporary, or SoLA, will feature two exhibitions, Saturation and Pandemic Winter, which begin simultaneously on Dec. 12.

Saturation exhibits work by six American artists and 21 artists from the Korean Painting Association, working simultaneously in studios on opposite sides of the world, utilizing traditional Korean pigments and brushes. There will also be an artist talk on Zoom with the date to be announced.

While SoLA could not meet with the artists in person and experience the intersection of Korean and American cultures, it has made the best of the challenges this pandemic brings and its effects on travel and shared physical experiences. As the gallery has received and exhibits the art works of both Korean and American artists, it has found ways to continue building these cultures together.   

Before the pandemic, Korean American artist and SoLA board member, Won Sil Kim and Korean artist, Moonkyung Jung, proposed this exhibition. Their intention was to provide workshops and demonstrations using traditional Korean pigments, brushes and paper. Pieces from these workshops would then be shown alongside each other.

Travel restrictions and lockdowns prevented the Korean artists from travelling to the US, so instead, Jung shipped supplies to SoLA. Then with help from Kim, a group of six American artists learned how to use these materials to create art works for Saturation. Works from the Korean participants in this project will be shipped to Los Angeles to be shown alongside the American works. A catalog will be produced and available online, along with select original pieces.

Pandemic Winter is SoLA’s annual fundraiser with original art works priced to sell at $100 each; proceeds will benefit SoLA’s ongoing community programs. The silent auction of small works will take place physically in the gallery, Dec. 12 to 19 and extend online until Dec. 26.


Saturation

Time: 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. Dec. 12 to 19

Details: RSVP to info@SoLAcontemporary.org, online auction at www.solacontemporary.org

Venue: SoLA Contemporary Gallery, 3718 W. Slauson Ave., Los Angeles

Pandemic Winter

Time: 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. Dec. 12 to 26

Details: RSVP to info@SoLAcontemporary.org, online auction at www.solacontemporary.org

Venue: SoLA Contemporary Gallery, 3718 W. Slauson Ave., Los Angeles

Corruption from the Top Down

A small group of “Recall Newsom” protestors were gathered on 6th Street in San Pedro on the night of the recent stay-at-home order issued by the governor’s office. Sure, Gov. Gavin Newsom has some apologizing to do because of his French Laundry dinner party during this pandemic. In fact that’s exactly what he did with a very public mea culpa, yet the critics keep harping on it.

By contrast the White House is hosting something like 25 Christmas parties on their way out the door, which will surely be “unmasked” events. But then Donald Trump isn’t being a hypocrite because he has never issued a stay-at-home order nor advised his base to do anything other than come to his rallies and get infected. The spread of the coronavirus in the red states where Trump pressed his campaign the most reflects his disregard for the seriousness of the disease.

So let’s recall Newsom but protest impeaching Trump, right?  No.  I wonder if anyone has done the contact tracing to reveal whether the infection rates  are due to outdoor dining, attending Trump campaign rallies or ideological opposition to masks?

Gov. Newsom, like the rest of California’s leadership, is actually attempting to do the right things in the absence of leadership from the federal government. The only example that the federal government under the Trump administration has been able to set is how to grift the system. Essentially, Trump has been the grifter-in-chief.

So it comes as no surprise that when it started looking into the COVID-19 emergency relief spending, Congress found that more than $1 billion in emergency coronavirus relief went to companies that “double dipped,” receiving multiple Paycheck Protection Program loans. This is in violation of the program’s rules, according to a preliminary analysis released recently by the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis.

According to NBC news, “Congressional investigators identified multiple areas of potential waste and fraud in the program, often referred to as PPP, which was part of the $2 trillion CARES Act. The program offered qualifying small businesses up to $10 million in emergency and forgivable loans to shore up their payrolls and meet basic expenses due to business impacts from the coronavirus and lockdown periods. The program gave loans to nearly 4.9 million small businesses for a total of $521 billion. As designed, the program still has $133 million in untapped funds.”

On Dec. 7 the Justice Department announced that a Northridge man pleaded guilty to fraudulently obtaining $655,000 in PPP loans for his companies by submitting fake tax documents and false employee information.

Steven R. Goldstein, 36, pleaded guilty to a single-count charging him with fraud in connection with major disaster or emergency benefits.

According to his plea agreement, Goldstein knowingly submitted applications for PPP loans to banks that contained false statements about the number of employees and the amount of employee payroll expenses.

And then there is this: California may have paid up to $1 billion in fraudulent unemployment claims filed on behalf of prison and jail inmates in what prosecutors are calling “the most significant fraud on taxpayer funds in California history.”

The state paid more than 35,000 claims under state prisoners’ names, with one inmate collecting nearly $49,000. California also paid more than $421,000 to 133 Death Row inmates — including Scott Peterson, a San Quentin prisoner convicted of killing his wife and unborn child. Some of the claimants used pseudonyms like “Poopy Britches” or “John Doe,” and most targeted federal benefits distributed by the state. What are the authorities going to do when they catch these scammers … throw them in jail?

This is only more frustrating to the 30 million workers not scamming the system but whose benefits will get cut off the day after Christmas.

Of course, having the leader of our nation basically doing similar scams opens the floodgates for every crook and criminal to grab as much as they can during this Trump-made chaos. No. 45 has continued to rant, “Democrats stole the election” as the post-election grift goes on. But with 51 lawsuits filed, he’s 1 for 51, and has shown no evidence of significant voter fraud. The U.S. Supreme Court refused to stop Pennsylvania from finalizing President-elect Joe Biden’s victory. With the majority of the six swing states now having certified the results, it’s just a matter of days before the Electoral College confirms Joe Biden as president-elect.

As per the latest national polls, something over 80% of registered Republicans are still in deep denial as to who actually won, as are most Republican U.S. senators. These senators are the ones who are blocking any further coronavirus relief for millions of small businesses, workers, cities and states while the virus resurges across the nation.  While we all should be amazed at the amount of fraud that has occurred, it really shouldn’t come as a surprise since it’s baked into the loose business model of Trumpism.  Even his post-election fundraising scam, which to date has brought in more that $170 million, isn’t really going to his legal defense of voter fraud, but to a newly created political action committee for his own personal benefit.

You see, if you cut government regulations, defund departments that oversee spending and reduce the number of government workers, there’s not enough people to keep an eye on where the money goes. Strange how this works, but a really smaller government isn’t more efficient. It’s just a government that’s more easily gamed, grifted and susceptible to graft. Donald Trump is the prime example of this kind of corruption.

And if you haven’t noticed, No. 45 has not apologized. Not even once. That’s something the “Recall Newsom” folks seem to overlook.

The Fight Against Automation Continues

City files nearly two-dozen criminal charges against casual longshore worker for satirical picket signs; Port of Los Angeles faces likely civil suit after dismissal of charges.


Last month, a 20 charge criminal case against 39-year-old casual longshoreman, Carlos Saldana, was quietly dismissed nearly a year after the charges were originally filed. Saldana’s crime? Making satirical picket signs depicting the Los Angeles harbor commissioners who voted July 11, 2019 to allow Pier 400 to become fully automated. Photos of  anti-automation protesters carrying the picket signs were shared on social media. According to court documents, the date of the offense was July 14, three days after the highly charged harbor commission meeting at which the board approved the automation of Pier 400 with a 3-2 vote. 

Saldana was charged with 20 counts of cyber harassment of the three harbor commissioners whose votes approved the Pier 400 automation permit . He didn’t know criminal charges were filed against him until December 2019.

“There was no warning,” Saldana said. “All of sudden the Port of LA [police] were coming to my house. A couple of days later, I got a letter in the mail stating criminal charges had been filed against me.”

Saldana learned later that on Dec. 15 port police talked to his co-worker and were taking pictures of him while he was on the docks. The next day three port police officers in two squad cars went by his house. 

Saldana had anti-automation banners on his house when the officers visited. The police officers knocked on his door. He was there but did not hear them. They left their card behind. Not long after they had left, he called. They offered to turn around to return to his home, but Saldana declined the offer and told them he would go to the police station. Saldana explained that at this point he did not suspect anything was wrong. Saldana described undergoing hard questioning, as if the detectives were trying to play good cop, bad cop, with one officer asking more benign questions while the other asking questions that seemed to suggest a conspiracy of some sort. 

“They showed me some pictures of the protest,” Saldana explained. “They asked questions like, ‘Who is with you? How many of you were there? How many are in the union?’ … At that time I had no idea what this was about. After two and half hours I asked if I had done anything that required me to be detained and they said no and they let me go.”

“From one day to the next, I did not know there was someone following me at work, then the next they were at my home,” Saldana said. “I had no idea that this had ruffled their feathers. There was never an indication that I violated their policies.” 

In the days that followed Saldana’s questioning by the port police, he sought help wherever he could find it. He started with the ILWU, but its assistance was limited because he is not a union member. To mount a defense, Saldana started highlighting his plight on flyers he distributed to fellow longshore workers. Soon he was put in contact with lawyer Mat Kaestner. A little later, Saldana enlisted the services of lawyer Marc Coleman for the civil suit that’s certain to follow.

Days of Rage Against Automation

The anti-automation movement kicked into high gear in January 2019 when the Port of Los Angeles gave routine administrative approval to APM Terminals to install automated equipment at Pier 400. The goods movement company deemed the move to be necessary for the future of its operations.

The ILWU appealed the decision to the Los Angeles Board of Harbor Commissioners a month after the approval. 

The original vote on the permit was set for April. But the commission delayed its decision for a month so that LA Mayor Eric Garcetti could step in and mediate.

A series of votes over the next two months threatened to send the dispute to court. The commission voted to reject the ILWU’s appeal, thus greenlighting the permit.

LA City Councilman Joe Buscaino next brought that decision before the city council, which voted to send the permit application back to the harbor commission for another vote.

On July 11, the harbor commission again affirmed the permit.

Through all the public hearings and months of debate on the future of jobs and automation, demonstrations and rallies were staged by longshore workers to galvanize community support and inform the public. They marched in the streets. They lined up to speak at commission meetings. Gary Herrera, then-vice president of Local 13, vowed to not allow the Harbor Area to become the next Detroit.  

In the months that followed, state legislators, like Assemblyman Mike Gipson, fought for legislation that would have required the State Lands Commission to hold stakeholder meetings on the impacts of automated technology at California ports. The legislation died without being heard on the senate floor. 

In the end, the union didn’t stop automation from coming to the Port of Los Angeles, but fought for re-training for its members to mitigate the job losses to come. 

Winning and losing the fight against an existential threat

Even with the new legal firepower at his side, Saldana was still experiencing anxiety from his ordeal.

Ultimately, Saldana was hit with California penal code 528.5A  and 653m(B), ten charges each.

“The 528.5 penal code is to impersonate through the internet or web to harm or threaten or intimidate even though Carlos didn’t do any of that,” Coleman explained. “But it was apparent that some of the Harbor Commissioners wanted the satire taken down because they were offended by it. They wanted to force Carlos to back off from his work.”

Penal code 653m(B) states that every person who, with intent to annoy or harass, makes repeated telephone calls or makes repeated contact by means of an electronic communication device, or makes any combination of calls or contact, to another person is, whether or not conversation ensues from making the telephone call or contact by means of an electronic communication device, guilty of a misdemeanor. Nothing in this subdivision shall apply to telephone calls or electronic contacts made in good faith or during the ordinary course and scope of business.

This charge was applied to the fact that Saldana attended with his picket signs at harbor commission meetings at which automation at Pier 400 was a topic of discussion. 

Coleman argued there was no way anyone could not have understood that the Saldana’s picket signs were works of satire. He noted that one of the pickets featured a harbor commissioner with a clown’s nose. Others had the words, “I hate the community,” “I hate the ILWU,” and “I hate the Dodgers” after they lost a game. 

“It was satirical fun but no one over there was laughing,” Coleman said. 

“There was no evidence and there was no merit,” Coleman said. “That’s why the charges were dismissed. Oftentimes the charging authority will throw everything at the wall and see what will stick. And this is one of those situations where they had a statute that trumps the first amendment.” 

Coleman went on to say that when the port police didn’t find anything, prosecutors threw 20 charges making Saldana into an example to other longshore workers.

Coleman highlighted a broader issue. 

“They picked a casual worker who wasn’t going to get support from the union and they ignored similar things from the registered workers to make an example of Carlos,” Coleman said. “If he can’t work, he can’t get his hours; he can’t become an ID [a registered longshore worker with the ILWU].” 

“If they did this to me wouldn’t everyone else be afraid to protest?” Saldana asked. 

For Saldana, the costs have been steep. He reported having to spend more than $10,000 on his defense this past year. He’s taking anti-anxiety medication to cope with the mental health toll the criminal case has taken. The case also contributed to his separation from his wife.  

Coleman wrapped up the meaning of this case in the larger issues over automation and future battles the ILWU may have to fight.

“This is a threat to any longshore worker who chooses to speak out,” Coleman said. “They are trying to shut up people like Carlos who aren’t afraid to poke fun at the harbor commissioners who want to protest things that aren’t right.”

As of publication, the Los Angeles city attorney’s office has yet to reply to RLn’s request for comment to this story.

Top Under Reported Stories Show Missing Patterns in Corporate News (Part 3/3)

Every year since 1976, Project Censored has identified the most significant stories that most Americans never heard about. Most are stories of wrongdoing by those with power, taking advantage of those without. As noted in our last issue, “Despite journalism’s call to afflict the comfortable and comfort the afflicted, it is primarily the inequalities of race, class and gender that serve to stifle stories across the years.” Although those patterns are the dominant ones shaping which stories are stifled, they aren’t the only ones, because scattered throughout the lists of censored stories over the years another kind of story can also be found: positive stories about signs of hope, opportunities to make a better world and people working to realize that possibility. As we turn to the last three stories in Project Censored’s top 10 stories this year, we find that two of them fall into this less common, but vitally important category.

First, #8 “The Public Banking Revolution,” deals with a new wave of interest in replicating North Dakota’s 100-year-old publicly-owned state bank, the Bank of North Dakota. A new California law will enable 10 such publicly-owned banks to be opened by cities or counties in the next few years, and other states are poised to follow. The difference BND has made in North Dakota and the potential similar banks hold in California and elsewhere does not fit well into the landscape of most existing stories about banking, finance, or economic inequality, although it is relevant to all of them and more. That’s because its very existence enables things that just aren’t possible otherwise, such as green investments whose “profits slowly accumulate and are widely shared across a community,” as described below.

The same thing can be said about #10. Revive Journalism with a Stimulus Package and Public Option. As Project Censored notes, there’s been significant corporate reporting about “the ongoing demise of newspapers and especially local news sources,” but almost total neglect for proposals to revitalize journalism through public funding. The proposals discussed draw on previous or existing models, so they’re not just wishful fantasies. But the whole of the proposals is more than the sum of the parts, and would similarly create new possibilities that the landscape of uncensored stories simply has no place for.

The third of our last three stories, #9 “Rising Risks of Nuclear Power Due to Climate Change,” is a more commonplace kind of Project Censored story, but can also be seen as a kind of mirror-image of the other two. In this case, an existing model — nuclear power — is so familiar that the larger landscape of looming problems described in the story is not perceived as such, but only in a piecemeal fashion that fails to register the true depth of the risks involved. In short, what all three of the last Project Censored stories this year highlight is the vital importance of being able to see things whole. And that, of course, is why all Project Censored stories are important: because without the missing pieces they provide us with, we can never see anything whole.

8. The Public Banking Revolution

The year 2019 marked the 100th anniversary of the USA’s first publicly-owned state bank, the Bank of North Dakota (BND), and in October, California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the Public Banking Act, authorizing up to 10 similar such banks to be created by California’s city and county governments. In response, the cities of San Francisco and Los Angeles both announced plans to do so. It was the culmination of a decade-long effort that began in the wake of the Great Recession that’s also been taken up in nearly two dozen other states. Beyond the benefits North Dakota has reaped in the past, such banks could have greatly assisted in responding to COVID-19’s economic devastation, and could yet help fund a just transition to a decarbonized future, along the lines of a Green New Deal.

Yet, despite California’s agenda-setting reputation, Project Censored notes that, “No major corporate media outlets appear to have devoted recent coverage to this important and timely topic.”

“The Bank of North Dakota was founded in 1919 in response to a farmers’ revolt against out-of-state banks that were foreclosing unfairly on their farms,” Ellen Brown, founder of the Public Banking Institute wrote for Common Dreams. “Since then it has evolved into a $7.4 billion bank that is reported to be even more profitable than JPMorgan Chase and Goldman Sachs, although its mandate is not actually to make a profit but simply to serve the interests of local North Dakota communities.”

“The state of North Dakota has six times as many financial institutions per capita as the rest of the country and it’s because they have the Bank of North Dakota,” Sushil Jacob, an attorney who works with the California Public Banking Alliance told The Guardian. “When the great recession hit, the Bank of North Dakota stepped in and provided loans and allowed local banks to thrive.”

As a result, “North Dakota was the only state that escaped the credit crisis,” Brown told Ananya Garg, reporting for Yes! magazine. “It never went in the red, [had] the lowest unemployment rate in the country, the lowest foreclosure rate at that time.”

“There are two ways in which a state bank can fund state investment for a greener future,” Eric Heath wrote in an op-ed for The Hill. “First, the bank can provide loans, bonds and other forms of financing for investments to the state government and private organizations on better terms than those available in regular markets.” 

Some such projects might not even be considered. 

This is not because green investments are unprofitable, “but because their profits slowly accumulate and are widely shared across a community,” Heath explained. “Second, a public bank will improve a state’s fiscal health. By holding state deposits as assets, the bank’s profits can be returned to state coffers to fund direct state investment. Additionally, the activity of the state bank – which will prioritize investing state assets and extending credit within the state for the benefit of the state – will improve the state economy,” just as has happened in North Dakota.  

A new surge of interest in public banking came out of the Standing Rock movement’s Dakota Access Pipeline protests. While individuals could easily withdraw from doing business with fossil fuel-financing banks — Wells Fargo, in this case — governments have no such similar options to meet all their banking needs.

In short, “From efforts to divest public employee pension funds from the fossil fuel industry and private prisons, to funding the proposed Green New Deal, and counteracting the massive, rapid shutdown of the economy caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, public banking has never seemed more relevant,” Project Censored wrote. 

It’s a time-tested practical solution the corporate media refuses to discuss.

9. Rising Risks of Nuclear Power Due to Climate Change

As early as 2003, 30 nuclear units were either shut down or reduced power output during a deadly European summer heatwave in Europe. 

But almost two decades later, the corporate media has yet to grasp that “Nuclear power plants are unprepared for climate change,” as Project Censored notes. “Rising sea levels and warmer waters will impact power plants’ infrastructure, posing increased risks of nuclear disasters, according to reports from the Natural Resources Defense Council and Truthout from September 2019,” they explain. Yet, “Tracking back to 2013, corporate news media have only sporadically addressed the potential for climate change to impact nuclear power plants.”

“Nuclear power is uniquely vulnerable to increasing temperatures because of its reliance on cooling water to ensure operational safety within the core and spent fuel storage,” Christina Chen wrote for NRDC.

In addition, Karen Charman, reporting for Truthout, noted that “nuclear reactors need an uninterrupted electricity supply to run the cooling systems that keep the reactors from melting down,” but this will be “increasingly difficult to guarantee in a world of climate-fueled megastorms and other disasters.”

Sea level rise — combined with storm surges — represents the most serious threat. That was the focus of a 2018 report by John Vidal from Ensia, a solutions-focused media outlet, which found that “at least 100 U.S., European and Asian nuclear power stations built just a few meters above sea level could be threatened by serious flooding caused by accelerating sea-level rise and more frequent storm surges.” 

There have been more than 20 incidents of flooding at U.S. nuclear plants, according to David Lochbaum, a former nuclear engineer and director of the nuclear safety project at the Union of Concerned Scientists.

“The most likely [cause of flooding] is the increasing frequency of extreme events,” he told Vidal.

Yet, in January 2019, the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, or NRC, decided to weaken staff recommendations to reassess the adequacy of hazard preparations. In dissent, Commissioner Jeff Baran wrote that NRC would allow power plants “to be prepared only for the old, outdated hazards typically calculated decades ago when the science of seismology and hydrology was far less advanced.”

“As of September 2019, 444 nuclear reactors are operating in the world, with 54 under construction, 111 planned and 330 more proposed,” Charman reported. 

“Many of the world’s new nuclear plants are being built on the coasts of Asian countries, which face floods, sea-level rise and typhoons,” Vidal wrote. “At least 15 of China’s 39 reactors in operation, and many of the plants it has under construction, are on the coast.”

“Nuclear stations are on the front line of climate change impacts both figuratively and quite literally,” leading climate scientist Michael Mann told Vidal. “We are likely profoundly underestimating climate change risk and damages in coastal areas.”

10. Revive Journalism with a Stimulus Package and Public Option

In late March, Congress passed and President Donald Trump signed a $2.2 trillion coronavirus rescue package, including direct payments of $1,200 per adult and more than $500 billion for large corporations. Before passage, Craig Aaron, the president of Free Press, argued that a stimulus package for journalism was also urgently needed. “In the face of this pan­demic, the public needs good, economically secure journalists more than ever … separating fact from fiction, and holding politicians and powerful institutions accountable,” Aaron wrote in the Columbia Journalism Review.

Aaron’s organization, Free Press, placed journalism’s needs at $5 billion in immediate emergency funds, “less than half of one percent of a trillion-dollar recovery package” and asked that “Congress put a foundation in place to help sustain journalism over the long term.”

Aaron presented a three-pronged plan: First, “Doubling federal funds for public media,” not for Downton Abbey reruns, but “earmarked specifically for emergency support, education, and especially local journalism.” For example, “The Los Angeles Unified School District teamed up with PBS SoCal/KCET to offer instruction over the airwaves while kids are out of school, with separate channels focused on different ages.”

Second, “Direct support for daily and weekly newsrooms,” which have lost tens of thousands of jobs over the past three decades. “Direct, emergency subsidies of say $25,000 per newsgathering position could make sure reporters everywhere stay on the local COVID beat,” he wrote. “Just $625 million would help retain 25,000 newsroom jobs.”

Third, “New investments in the news we need … for a major investment in services that provide community information [and] to support new positions, outlets, and approaches to newsgathering, [which could] prioritize places and populations that the mainstream outlets have never served well.”

Arguing that a “resilient and community-centered media system” is necessary to get through the pandemic, Aaron concluded, “Now is the time to act. We need sig­nificant public investments in all corners of the economy, and journalism is no exception.”

In an article in Jacobin, media scholar Victor Pickard advanced a more robust proposal, for $30 billion annually (less than 1.4% of the coronavirus stimulus package, Project Censored noted).  

“On the question of cost, we must first remind ourselves that a viable press system isn’t a luxury — it’s a necessity,” he wrote. “Similar to a classic ‘merit good,’ journalism isn’t a ‘want,’ but a ‘need. … Democratic nations around the globe heavily subsidize the media while enjoying democratic benefits that put the U.S. to shame.”

Writing for The Guardian, just after the McClatchy newspaper chain bankruptcy was announced, Pickard noted that, “For many areas across the US, there’s simply no commercial option. The market has failed us.”  And thus, “With market failure, journalism’s survival requires public options.”  

The need was fundamental.

“All foundational democratic theories – including the first amendment itself – assume a functional press system. The fourth estate’s current collapse is a profound social problem.” 

And he suggested a broad range of funding possibilities:

We could raise funds from taxing platforms like Facebook and Google, placing levees on communication devices, and repurposing international broadcasting subsidies. Other sources include spectrum sales and individual tax vouchers. We could leverage already-existing public infrastructures such as post offices, libraries, and public broadcasting stations to provide spaces for local news production.

“While corporate news outlets have reported the ongoing demise of newspapers and especially local news sources, they have rarely covered proposals such as Aaron’s and Pickard’s to revitalize journalism through public funding,” Project Censored wrote.

Cleanups Resume in Three Homeless Encampments

On Dec. 1, the Los Angeles City Council voted 13-2 to resume CARE+ cleanups at three specific homeless encampments. Councilmembers Mike Bonin and David E. Ryu opposed the motion.

Councilmember Joe Buscaino proposed the motion, which allows the city to resume cleanups at South Beacon Street and Gulch Road in San Pedro, and two sites in Harbor City. One is at W. 253rd Street and McCoy Avenue, the other is at Figueroa Avenue and W. East Street.

The purpose of these cleanups is to improve public health, and ensure the encampments leave at least 36 inches of sidewalk for the pedestrians to use. Procedure calls for the posting of signs announcing the cleanup and giving people at least 24 hours to move their belongings. Anyone remaining in the encampment is forced to take only what they can carry in 60-gallon bins — city employees throw the rest of their items away.

CARE+ cleanups were suspended by the city council in March due to the pandemic. They resumed in July — in another motion introduced by City Councilman Joe Buscaino — but only in special cleaning zones surrounding Bridge Homes, which are city-run homeless shelters.

Gabriela Medina, district director for Buscaino, told the Dec. 1 meeting of the Council District 15 working group on homelessness that resumption of the cleanups was a big win for his boss.

“The same way that councilmember Joe Buscaino is supportive of solutions, he’s also very supportive of rules and orders on our street,” Medina said.

Medina said opponents of CARE+ based their arguments on assumptions and lies.

Medina said that Buscaino’s office contacted LA Sanitation, the Los Angeles Fire Department and other city entities to make sure the cleanups were done responsibly. 

“We just can’t afford any mistakes,” Medina said. “There’s so much … attention on this topic alone, and by so many individuals in the City of Los Angeles, that we want to make sure that we prove them wrong, and show them that these cleanups come from a compassionate side, and are meant to bring a healthy balance between those that are unsheltered and those that are sheltered.”

Amber Sheikh, who heads the Council District 15 Working Group on Homelessness, said she was divided on whether or not this was a positive thing. 

“Right now we are in a public health crisis,” Sheikh said. “Everyone is in a public health crisis. Our housed and our unhoused. And we do need to resume some kind of cleanup, I think, at our encampments. I don’t know if it needs to be to the level of what people refer to as sweeps.”

Sheikh pointed out that the cleanups also come with services, such as showers, bathrooms and service providers. In addition, homeless encampments are often used as a dumping ground by people who are not homeless, and said trash needs to be cleaned from time to time.

Some members of the public saw the motion differently.

“Sweeps are violent,” said Stevie, a member of the Los Angeles Tenants Union. “We need house keys, not handcuffs. It is absolutely unconscionable to take the most vulnerable among us in the middle of a raging pandemic that Los Angeles has done nothing to get under control, and do exactly the opposite of what the CDC says we need to be doing.”

Stevie said that not only do the sweeps put homeless people at risk of catching COVID-19, they steal their stuff. She invited the council members to actually attend one of the cleanups.

“Joe [Buscaino] is nothing more than a cop,” Stevie said. “[He] wants to hide Los Angeles’ failures. We have 67,000 people experiencing homelessness. That’s not because 67,000 people are irresponsible, that’s because our city is a failure.”

Community member Stacy Dawson Stearns argued that CARE+ teams were actually the opposite of their name.

“Once again we have an example of a heinous thing being packaged for the public as something good, but it’s not,” she said. “Sweeps are city-sanctioned acts of extreme violence against our most vulnerable Angelenos.”

She also said that there was no logic in resuming cleanups now—as COVID-19 infection rates are higher now than when the cleanups initially stopped.

On Nov. 24, only a week before the motion was passed, the city council referred back to committee a motion that would allow the city to police where homeless people can sit or sleep. The motion would prevent homeless people from staying within 500 feet of freeway overpasses, underpasses, ramps, tunnels, or pedestrian subways. In addition, the motion would ban homeless people from sitting or sleeping within 500 feet of a homeless shelter or safe parking area.

However, in San Pedro alone, there are 575 homeless people, according to the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority’s 2020 homeless count, while there are only 140 beds available in shelters. 100 are in the city’s bridge home temporary shelter, and the other 40 are in the county’s temporary shelter, and all are occupied. However, there are other options available, such as Project Roomkey, which allows for temporary shelter in hotel rooms, which will eventually become Project Homekey, a long-term version of the same program. 

Sheikh said there’s a lack of understanding and education around the codes that the motion covers, and how it will be implemented.

“There’s a lot of kind of blanket language around anti-camping laws,” Sheikh said. “But truly it’s very, very specific to be … within 500 feet of a shelter or freeways, and it still leaves, you know, something like 10,000 miles of sidewalk in LA available.”

Unfortunately, the San Pedro Bridge Home shelter will be reduced to 90 beds, as the Department of Public Health advised them to reduce the amount of people to prevent the spread of COVID-19, Medina said. The 10 people that leave will be referred to Project Roomkey, or other housing. The county shelter lost four beds for the same reason, and the six remaining people were also referred to Project Roomkey.

The Partial Enchilada

Winter is the season for red chile enchilada sauce. You can almost smell the piñón and juniper smoke drifting from the leaky wood stove, as your mouth explores the profound depths of a good red chile made from scratch. It’s good on potatoes, squash and other wintry foods, keeping you warm inside and out, from your spicy mouth to your sweating skin, and, for better or worse, everything in between.

You can find the ingredients for a good red chile nearly everywhere, from the bulk section of Whole Foods to the “ethnic foods” aisle of a small town supermarket with little more than salsa, soy sauce and ramen.

We aren’t going to call it “chili,” by the way. The Mexican word for the plant from Mexico is “chile.” Enchilada, meanwhile, is the past participle of enchilar, a Spanish verb that literally means “to put chile on something.” In the popular dish enchiladas, named after that verb, the “something” to which chile is applied is corn tortillas.

In Spanish language slang, enchilada can mean red-faced and triggered, like a charging bear sprayed with mace. Meanwhile, researchers have determined capsaicin does indeed trigger endorphins, which give a rush that has been compared to those of sex, drugs, rock and roll and runner’s high, depending on what you’re into. The endorphins can dull pain, too, including, fortuitously, the pain of hot chile.

I used to feed cayenne powder to my chickens to make their yolks extra-red. Although they didn’t taste spicy – the capsaicin doesn’t make it to the eggs, even though the beta-carotene does — those yolks, grammatically speaking, were enchilados.

The world’s first enchiladas were little more than tortillas dipped in chile sauce. Generations of Mexican chefs took this initial breakthrough in countless directions. Chips and salsa is one derivative, although some might argue the chips are actually entomatadas, aka treated with tomato. (Not to be confused with enfrijoladas, treated with beans).

I’ve got some red chile drying in my living room, strung up in ristras New Mexico-style. The peppers are Italian Long Hots. A thin, crinkled chile is sometimes described as like playing Russian Roulette, because you never know when one will be searing. Mine are consistently sweet at the tips. You take a bite, feel the pungent power, and brace to be slapped, but you get kissed instead by that bright red sweetness. Encouraged, you keep eating, until you get slapped for real as you approach the seeds. It’s a great pepper for red chile sauce, but any whole pod will work, preferably not too hot. When one eats as much chile as I do, one has to pace oneself. If you can’t get whole pods, you can substitute ground chile; depending on its quality and freshness, that can turn out fine.

At some point folks like myself might as well concede that we aren’t actually applying chile to this or that substrate, because chile is the substrate. And all the other stuff like tortillas, chicken, cheese, et al, are all just different ways to season and decorate the chile. But until then, we’ll keep calling it red chile sauce.

Red Chile Treatment

While most New Mexican red chile recipes are thickened with a little flour, I prefer corn masa, the same stuff tortillas and tamales are made of. Masa is a flour made from corn treated with calcium hydroxide. This ancient process (it used to employ wood ash) is called nixtamalization, and it gives the cornmeal a creamier texture.  

I gently fry the masa in butter into a kind of roux. This masa-based roux is easier to manage than a flour-based, and has this fun, smooth foaming action that will eventually develop a nutty brown color and flavor, but isn’t eager to burn. (To stay with this French saucey theme you could stir in some cream at the very end).

Just a few spoonfuls of masa adds a distinct dissolved tortilla flavor that is so noticeable I often skip making the “whole enchilada,” if you will, and simply apply this thick chile sauce to my choice of protein. I’ll garnish with onions, cilantro and avocado and call it good.


Red Chile Sauce

1 quart chicken stock (1-plus tablespoons Better Than Bouillon paste in a quart of water or equivalent)

1 ounce dried red chile pod, clean and devoid of seeds and stems

3 cloves garlic

1 tablespoon oregano

2 tablespoons butter

1 tablespoon oil

2 tablespoons masa

1 pound minced onion

Optional: cooked chicken meat, corn tortillas, grated jack or similar cheese for the entire enchilada; fresh onions.


Heat the stock to a simmer. Add the cleaned chile and simmer 10 minutes. Then let sit for an hour.

When it’s cool, add to a blender with the oregano and garlic, and blend until smooth. It will coalesce into a magical, near translucent state of chile gel, and some cooks will call it good right here.

Heat the butter and oil in a saucepan on medium heat. Add the masa and fully stir it into the oil and butter. When it starts to brown, add the onions and a cup of water. Cook until the onions are translucent, stirring as necessary to prevent sticking; about 10 minutes. Then add the chile blend and heat to a simmer. Keep it there five to 10 minutes, stirring often. Don’t overcook. You want to keep that bright red hue.

To make enchiladas, stack or roll your tortillas (heat them first in a foil-wrapped stack if rolling). Heat the chicken in the chile sauce for a few minutes before building the enchiladas. Bake until the cheese melts, and serve garnished with raw onion.