By Paul Rosenberg, Senior Editor
In America, we commonly think of press freedom and censorship in terms of the First Amendment, which focuses attention on the press and places limits on the government’s power to restrict it. But the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, drafted in the aftermath of World War II, presents a broader framework. Article 19 of that document reads:
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
By highlighting the right to receive information and ideas, Article 19 makes it clear that press freedom is about everyone in society, not just the press, and that government censorship is only one potential way of thwarting that right. This is the perspective that has informed Project Censored from its beginning more than 40 years ago.
Even though Project Censored’s annual list of censored stories is specific, the overriding message has always gone beyond isolated examples. Collectively, they serve to highlight how far short we fall from the fully-informed public that a healthy democracy requires — and that we all require to live healthy, safe, productive, satisfying lives. It’s the larger patterns of missing information, hidden problems and threats that should really concern us. Each Project Censored story provides some of that information, but the annual list helps shed light on these broader patterns of what’s missing, as well as on the specifics of the stories themselves.
During the 1972 election, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein were reporting on the earliest developments in the Watergate scandal — and they were covering it for the Washington Post. Yet, their work was largely isolated. The story was covered as a developing criminal case; it did not transform into a political story until after the election. That’s a striking example of a missing pattern. It was among the issues that motivated Carl Jensen to found Project Censored; he defined censorship as “the suppression of information, whether purposeful or not, by any method — including bias, omission, underreporting or self-censorship — that prevents the public from fully knowing what is happening in its society.”
In the introduction to the current edition’s list of stories, Andy Lee Roth writes, “Finding common themes across news stories helps to contextualize each item as a part of the larger narratives shaping our times.” Roth proceeded to cite several examples spanning the top 25 list: four stories on climate change, six involving racial inequalities, four on issues involving courts, three on health issues, “at least two stories” involving the Pentagon, three on government surveillance and two involving documentary films produced by the Shell Oil Co.
“There are more connections to be identified,” Roth said. “As we have noted in previous Censored volumes, the task of identifying common topical themes within each year’s story list and across multiple years transforms the reader from a passive recipient of information into an active, engaged interpreter. We invite you to engage with this year’s story list in this way.”
It’s excellent advice. But to get things started on the more limited scope of the top 10 stories, three main themes clearly seem evident: first, threats to public health; second, threats to democracy, both at home and abroad; and third, an out-of-control military.
Don’t let this overview pattern blind you to other patterns you may detect. Individual stories often involve different overlapping patterns — environmental destruction and an out-of-control military or public health and infrastructure concerns. These patterns don’t just connect problems and issues, they connect people, communities and potential solutions as well. A shared understanding of the patterns that hold us down and divide us is the key to developing better patterns to live by together. With that thought in mind, here is Project Censored’s Top 10 List for 2016-17:
1. Widespread Lead Contamination Threatens Children’s Health and Could Triple Household Water Bills
In Flint, five percent of the children screened had high blood lead levels. Nationwide, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimate that 2.5 percent of all children younger than six — about 500,000 children — have elevated blood lead levels.
Pell and Schneyer’s neighborhood focus allowed them to identify local hotspots “whose lead poisoning problems may be obscured in broader surveys,” such as those focused on statewide or countywide rates. They found such hotspots in communities that “stretch from Warren, Pa. … where 36 percent of children tested had high lead levels, to … Goat Island, Texas, where a quarter of tests showed poisoning. … In some pockets of Baltimore, Cleveland and Philadelphia, where lead poisoning has spanned generations, the rate of elevated tests over the last decade was 40 to 50 percent.”
In January 2017, Schneyer and Pell reported that, based on their previous investigation, “From California to Pennsylvania, local leaders, health officials and researchers are advancing measures to protect children from the toxic threat. They include more blood-lead screening, property inspections, hazard abatement and community outreach programs.”
But there’s a deeper infrastructure problem involved. “Lead pipes are time bombs,” and water contamination is to be expected, reporter Farron Cousins wrote in the January 2017 edition of DeSmogBlog. The U.S. relies on an estimated 1.2 million miles of lead pipes for municipal delivery of drinking water, and much of this aging infrastructure is reaching or has exceeded its life expectancy.
In 2012, the American Water Works Association estimated that a complete overhaul of the nation’s aging water systems would require an investment of $1 trillion within the next 25 years, which could triple household water bills. As Cousins reported, a January 2017 Michigan State University study found that, “while water rates are currently unaffordable for an estimated 11.9 percent of households, the conservative estimates of rising rates used in this study highlight that this number could grow to 35.6 percent in the next five years.”
“While the water contamination crisis will occasionally steal a headline or two, virtually no attention has been paid to the fact that we’re pricing a third of United States citizens out of the water market,” Cousins concluded.
2. More than $6 Trillion in Unaccountable Army Spending
In 1996, Congress passed legislation requiring all government agencies to undergo annual audits. Nonetheless, a July 2016 report by the Defense Department’s inspector general discovered that during the past two decades the Army alone has spent $6.5 trillion that cannot be accounted for.
Dave Lindorff reported in This Can’t Be Happening! that the Department of Defense “has not been tracking or recording or auditing all of the taxpayer money allocated by Congress — what it was spent on, how well it was spent, or where the money actually ended up. Things aren’t any better at the Navy, Air Force and Marines.”
According to Likndorff, the report appeared at a time when, “politicians of both major political parties are demanding accountability for every penny spent on welfare…. Ditto for people receiving unemployment compensation.”
He noted that politicians have also engaged in pervasive efforts “to make teachers accountable for student ‘performance.’”
Yet, he observed, “the military doesn’t have to account for any of its trillions of dollars of spending … even though Congress fully a generation ago passed a law requiring such accountability.”
In March 2017, after Donald Trump proposed a $52 billion increase in military spending, Thomas Hedges reported for The Guardian that, “the Pentagon has exempted itself without consequence for 20 years now, telling the Government Accountability Office that collecting and organizing the required information for a full audit is too costly and time-consuming.”
The most recent Department of Defense audit deadline was September 2017, yet neither the Pentagon, Congress, nor the media seemed to have paid any attention.
3. Pentagon Paid PR Firm in the UK for Fake Al-Qaeda Videos
Concern over Russian involvement in promoting fake news during the 2016 election is a justified hot topic in the news. But what about our own involvement in similar operations? In October 2016, a report by Crofton Black and Abigail Fielding-Smith in the Bureau of Investigative Journalism revealed that the Pentagon paid more than $660 million to a British public relations firm to run a top-secret propaganda program in Iraq from at least 2006 to December 2011.
The firm, Bell Pottinger, produced three kinds of products: TV commercials that portrayed al-Qaeda in a negative light, news items intended to look like Arabic TV and fake al-Qaeda propaganda films.
A former Bell Pottinger video editor, Martin Wells, told the bureau that he was given precise instructions for production of fake al-Qaeda films, and that the firm’s work was approved by former Gen. David Petraeus — the commander of the coalition forces in Iraq — and on occasion by the White House. Black and Fielding-Smith reported that the United States used contractors because “the military didn’t have the in-house expertise and was operating in a legal ‘gray area.’”
The reporters “traced the firm’s Iraq work through U.S. Army contracting censuses, federal procurement transaction records and reports by the Defense Department’s inspector general, as well as Bell Pottinger’s corporate filings and specialist publications on military propaganda.” Black and Fielding-Smith also interviewed former officials and contractors involved in information operations in Iraq.
Documents show Bell Pottinger employed as many as 300 British and Iraqi staff at one point, and the cost of the company’s media operations in Iraq averaged more than $100 million per year. It’s remarkable that an operation on this scale has been totally ignored in midst of so much focus on “fake news” here in the United States.
4. Voter Suppression in the 2016 Presidential Election
The 2016 election was the first in 50 years without the full protection of the Voting Rights Act, first passed in 1965. In Shelby County v. Holder (2013), a 5-4 conservative majority on the Supreme Court struck down a key provision requiring jurisdictions with a history of violations to “pre-clear” changes. As a result, changes to voting laws in nine states and parts of six others with long histories of racial discrimination in voting were no longer subject to federal government approval in advance.
Since Shelby, 14 states, including many southern states and key swing states, implemented new voting restrictions, in many cases just in time for the election. These included restrictive voter-identification laws in Texas and North Carolina, English-only elections in many Florida counties, the last-minute relocation of polling places as well as the implementation of changes in Arizona voting laws that the Department of Justice had rejected before the Shelby decision.
Ari Berman, author of Give Us the Ballot: The Modern Struggle for Voting Rights in America, was foremost among a small number of non-mainstream journalists to cover the suppression efforts and their results. In May 2017, he reported that an analysis of the effects of voter suppression by Priorities U.S.A, showed that strict voter-ID laws in Wisconsin and other states resulted in a “significant reduction” in voter turnout in 2016 with “a disproportionate impact on African-American and Democratic-leaning voters.” Berman noted that turnout was reduced by 200,000 votes in Wisconsin, while Donald Trump won the state by just over 22,000 votes.
Nationwide, the study found that new voter-ID laws significantly reduced voter turnout for elections from 2012 to 2016. In counties that were more than 40 percent African-American, turnout dropped five percent — more than twice the 2.2 percent reductions in places where the rules stayed the same. In counties where African Americans comprised less than 10 percent of the population, election turnouts decreased 0.7 percent under new voter-ID laws. Where there were no changes to voting laws, they increased their election turnouts by 1.9 percent.
“This study provides more evidence for the claim that voter-ID laws are designed not to stop voter impersonation fraud, which is virtually nonexistent, but to make it harder for certain communities to vote,” Berman concluded.
As Berman noted in an article published by Moyers & Co. in December 2016, the topic of “gutting” the Voting Rights Act did not arise once during the 26 presidential debates prior to the election, and “