The More Things Change
By James Preston Allen
I was reminded recently by Lionel Rolfe, one
of our occasional contributors and one of the authors
of a somewhat obscure history of Los Angeles
entitled, Bread and Hyacinths—the Rise and
Fall of Utopian Los Angeles, that this city wasn’t
always so labor friendly. In fact 100 years ago,
the City of Angels was known as
one of the most anti-labor cities on
the West Coast– this is before the
Longshoremen’s union was born
out of bloody strife, even before
Harry Bridges, the hero of
dockworkers, had landed in
America. A century ago, belonging to a
union garnered any worker the label
of being a “radical” or worse a
“communist,” while in fact the largest
contingent of labor activists were some brand
of socialist. Not unlike today, the real political
power of this city was held not by the elected officials,
but by the power brokers that elected them.
Gen. Harrison Otis, the publisher of the Los
Angeles Times, was one of them, and he vehemently
opposed unions of any size or stripe. He
organized the Merchants and Manufacturer’s Association
to combat the growing tide of union activists
who often went on strike for such “radical”
ideas as the eight-hour workday, minimum wages,
and child labor laws. One of the champions of
these “socialist” ideals was Job Harriman, a one time evangelical social Christian minister, who
left the ministry to change the world in the here
and now, not in the here after. In short he was
what is referred to as a “utopian socialist.”
Harriman, later became a civil rights and free
speech lawyer, and made a name for himself
defending workers who had been arrested for
breaking the municipal laws that barred picketing
or holding public rallies without police
permits––both clearly constitutional violations.
He and Otis were archenemies as the conflict
between manufacturers and labor escalated into
violence.
Harriman ultimately took his challenge of
the L.A. power-elite to the campaign for mayor
just at the very time labor strife literally exploded
in downtown Los Angeles with an explosion
at the headquarters of the L.A. Times
newspaper, which killed some 20 people and
injured many more. When the Times finally
printed the edition late that day, Oct. 1, 1910,
the headline screamed, “Unionist Bombs
Wreck The Times. ” To this day, it is unclear
whether the explosion was caused by a gas leak
in the building or if it were dynamited by either
an agent provocateur or a union anarchist–
but the blame, fanned by public reaction to the
deaths and publisher Otis exploitation of the
event, was cast at union radicals.
Coincidentally, one of LAPD’s notoriously corrupt
detectives “discovered” two bombs the next
day: one at Gen. Otis’ home and the other at the
home of Felix Zeehandelaar of the Merchants and
Manufactures Association. Later, two trade union
activists, James and John McNamara, were fingered
as the Times bombers and were arrested
and tried. None other than Job
Harriman and the brilliant civil rights
attorney, Clarence Darrow, defended
them. Ultimately the McNamara
brothers, facing the death penalty,
copped a plea bargain after false testimony
was presented in court.
Harriman ran for mayor of Los Angeles
and won 20,157 votes against
the incumbent Alexander who received
16,790–– just enough to scare
the L.A. power-elites, but not enough to avoid having
a run-off. Harriman ultimately lost when the
McNamara brothers in a surprise move, switched
their pleas from not guilty to guilty, discrediting
Harriman and his defense of the unionists.
One hundred years later, nearly all of the progressive
era reforms have been enacted into law,
the labor movement for the past two decades has
been in an ascendancy and the corruption and brutality
of the LAPD has been reformed by constitutional
consent decrees and a new model of community
based policing. The era of General Otis
and the LA Times controlling City Hall ended. Yet
it does seem strange that even with the election of
a supposedly progressive and pro-union mayor,
such as Villaraigosa, this city finds itself faced with
certain reactionary reforms, slashing of budgets
and jobs and the roll back of services. It’s almost
reminiscent of the battles between the Otis and
Harriman. Union jobs at LAUSD and within the
other city unions are in jeopardy. The city continues
to out-source services and privatize certain
non-public safety services such as cultural affairs
and the operation of cultural facilities such as the
Warner Grand Theater.
One can only wonder where all of this cutting
will lead and whether the city and its citizens will
be any better off than before? Ultimately the long
arch of progressive reforms in this city have now
been stalled by the crisis of capital on Wall Street,
which have forced the government both local and
state to retrench, and the battle lines between social
democracy and free market capital are again
redrawn. Perhaps the best example of this political
reenactment is between Jerry Brown and Meg
Whitman for the governor’s seat. It is a historic
struggle between two archenemies––forces that
have been at it since the dawn of California’s history,
fraught with shades of racism, bigotry, fear
and social injustice while striving for some utopian
dream that continues to elude all those who
reach out to touch the future.
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