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March 18, 2005
Arnold in Wonderland
Looking Glass Image Starts to Crack
By Paul Rosenberg, Senior Editor
On
December 7, 2004 Schwarzenegger taunted a group of nurses protesting his
emergency order suspending the phase-in of life-saving nurse-patient
ratios. “Pay no attention to those voices over there,” Schwarzenegger
said. They are the special interests. Special interests don’t like me in
Sacramento because I kick their butt.”
On March 4, the butt-kicking went the other way.
Sacramento Superior Court Judge Judy Holzer Hersher ruled—in favor of
the California Nurses Association (CNA)—that Schwarzenegger’s order
was illegal.
“It’s really a passionate issue about
patients for the nurses,” said Margie Keenan, R.N., a cardiac care nurse
at Long Beach Memorial Hospital, and CNA boardmember. “Patients can see
the difference,” she said, and it also saves lives, a growing list of
studies shows.
But it’s not just that one battle
Schwarzenegger lost. He seems to be losing the larger war—the war to
turn California into Wonderland, where words mean what he pays them to
mean, and problems are solved by saying, “Off with their heads!” In
Schwarzenegger’s Wonderland, “special interests” means nurses,
teachers, firefighters, college students, etc. He kicks their butt on
behalf of “the people”— meaning the corporate-owned HMOs and the
CEOs who run them. Consider:
• His Chief of Staff, Patricia Clarey, was previously
a VP for the HMO Health Net, Inc.
• His Deputy Chief of Staff, Garrett Ashley, was
previously executive director of Tech Net-Orange County, a network of
high-powered corporate executives that lobbies for high tech interests.
• His Deputy Chief of Staff for External Affairs,
Cassandra Pye, was previously VP of California Affairs at the Chamber of
Commerce (CCC).
• His Legislative Secretary, Richard Costigan, was
formerly VP of Governmental Relations and Chief Lobbyist for the CCC.
Although the corporate media
ignores such “details,” preferring to focus on Schwarzenegger’s
celebrity, the public is nonetheless catching on. His popularity has slid
from the mid-60s to a barely-out-of-trouble 54 percent in the latest Field
Poll, with 40 percent saying he favors special interests, compared to just
27 percent last August. Now he’s pushing to gather signatures for a
special election this year—costing taxpayers $60 million. It only takes
373,000 signatures to qualify initiative measures for the election, but if
his popularity continues falling they could easily fail at the ballot box.
Schwarzenegger came into office claiming that
California’s problems were due to politicians and special interests that
he would defeat on behalf of the people. But his special interest
fundraising has surpassed that of Gray Davis, and his claim of
representing the people is increasingly suspect.
San Francisco Examiner Columnist
Christopher Caen calls it “Diminishing Democracy.” Caen explains: “Gray
Davis was elected governor by more than 3,500,000 people. The recall was
placed on the ballot with less than 1,500,000 signatures. Less people were
able to reverse a decision than made the initial decision. Now we have a
state Legislature that was elected by more than 10 million voters but will
be drop-kicked out of the political process by a mere 373,000 people.”
But the numbers only tell part of the story, as
State Senator Alan Lowenthal (D- Long Beach) explains, “ It’s not that
legislators refused to work with the Governor on his proposed reforms—the
proposals were vague, ever-changing and disconnected from facts.” After
inching up toward the middle of the pack under Gray Davis, California’s
education spending is plummeting back down towards the ranks of
Mississippi. But Schwarzenegger remains focused on trying to target
individual teachers.
First, Schwarzenegger trumpeted merit pay. “It’s
worth considering,” Lowenthal told Random Lengths in January, “but
it has to be done right. If not, it punishes good teachers for working in
the schools that need them most, thus doing the opposite of what it
promises.”
“I’m on the Education Committee. We listened
to Senator Runner, carrying the merit pay bill,” Lowenthal said. Runner
said that, “Government had identified the problem of incompetent
teachers.”
“We asked, ‘Do you have any data?’ They
couldn’t identify one teacher.” Lowenthal said.
“Our real problem is under-performing schools.
Who’s going to go to those schools?” Lowenthal asked. “They had no
way to answer.”
As of now, Schwarzenegger has backed off merit
pay entirely. “He requested that our committee not vote on the merit pay
proposal. He has pulled that proposal off the table,” Lowenthal said.
Instead, Schwarzenegger is pushing an initiative
to lengthen the time it takes schoolteachers to get tenure—from two
years to five. Again, there is no data suggesting this will do anything,
aside from generating a lot more paperwork by more than doubling the
evaluation period.
Democrats criticized all of Schwarzenegger’s
proposals on similar grounds—rather than serious proposals, he only
offered vague ones, seemingly calculated to fail, so he could blame them
and go the initiative route—where broad claims and poorly-crafted
language have been successful, with enough special interest cash.
On redistricting, a deal might have been
possible, Lowenthal said, but Schwarzenegger’s insistence on mid-decade
reapportionment was a poison pill. Anything passed in November could not
clear court challenges in time for the 2006 primaries, so the soonest they
would be in place would be 2008—based on eight-year old data.
Schwarzenegger’s approach is purely political
Lowenthal said. “It’s an attempt to steal the legislature, The way
they did in Texas.
Meanwhile, the budget crisis continues, and
legislators like Lowenthal are dealing with tough issues that
Schwarzenegger runs away from. In Lowenthal’s case, this includes port
security, pollution and congestion, which he has addressed in a series of
bills that he promises will be carefully crafted and revised through the
normal legislative process. (Schwarzenegger vetoed Lowenthal’s AB 2042
last year, which mandated “no net increase” in port pollution. His new
bills reinstate that mandate and provide ways to begin meeting that goal.)
Schwarzenegger’s attempt to legislate by
initiative depends on sound bites and celebrity to circumvent questions
about what the measures will really mean. To fuel his efforts, he’s
amped up his fundraising even more than ever. But he’s drawing
unexpected resistance. His recent big-bucks out-of-state fundraising
efforts have been dogged by protests from nurses, teachers, firemen and
other workers typical of those hardworking Californians who Schwarzenegger
still insists on labeling “special interests.” In addition to angering
nurses, his cuts to education have hurt teachers, principles, school
boards, parents and kids, while his proposal to shift state retirement
funds to a riskier, stingier 401(k) model has drawn broad opposition from
all sorts of public employees.
These are all popular and respected targets.
Gallup’s 2004 annual poll assessing “honesty and ethical standards of
various professions” placed nurses and grade school teachers in the
first and second slots. “More generally,” Gallup said, “This year’s
honesty and ethics poll shows that Americans continue to give their
highest ratings to the public service professions,” precisely the
professions that Schwarzenegger is attacking.
Underscoring this point, a Santa Clara
firefighter, Jeremy Ray, flew to New York to confront Schwarzenegger over
the pension plan at a glitzy fundraiser there, the LA Times
reported.
“He said, ‘I’m a friend of the firefighters
and I would never take anything away from them,’ “ Ray told the Times.
“I said, ‘No, you’re not a friend to us, sir. And what you’re
doing is wrong.’”
Roger Salazar, spokesman for the Education
Coalition, which includes teachers, school boards and the PTA said, “The
governor is spitting in the wind when he tries to define teachers and
principals as special interests.”
But it’s the nurses—and the CNA in particular—that
are the frontline warriors bringing Schwarzenegger’s carefully-polished
image down.
“We were the only ones fighting the Governor at
the beginning,” Kennan recalled. “It’s kind of snowballed.”
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